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II  1.1 


4i) 


EGYPTIAN    ART 


THE  GOD  AMEN 


GKANITIUIEAD  OF  THK  XVI  lltb    m  NAST\ 
MUSItES    ROVAfX    DU   CINQUANTEN AIRK,   IJRUSSJil.S 


EGYPTIAN     ART 


INTRODUCTORY   STUDIES 


BY 

JEAN    CAPART 

Corresponding  Member  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Belgium  ;  Charge  de  Cours 
d'Egyptologie  a  VUni'versite  de  Liige 

Professor  a  I  'Institute  Supfrieur  d  'Art  et  d ' Archaologie  de  I '  Uni'uersiti  de  Liige  ; 
Conser'vateur  et  Secretaire  des  Musees  Royaux  de  Cinquantenaire,  BruxeUes 


TRANSLATED    FROM    THE    FRENCH 


WARREN    R.    DAWSON 


NEW  YORK 

FREDERICK  A.   STOKES   COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS 


{All  rights  reset ved) 


Prtnted  in  Great  Britain  by 
UNWIN  BROTHERS,  LIMITED,  THE  GRESHAM   PRESS,  LONDON  A.ND   WOKING 


TRANSLATOR'S    PREFACE 

THE  following  pages  contain  a  translation  of  the  in- 
troductory chapters  of  Monsieur  Capart's  Lepns  sur 
VArt  egyptien.^  Some  few  remarks  are  necessary  to 
explain  the  origin  of  the  work,  and  also  of  this  partial 
translation. 

In  1903  the  University  of  Liege  introduced  a  course 
of  ancient  art  and  archaeology,  and  a  similar  course  of  study 
was  at  the  same  time  instituted  in  Brussels,  Monsieur  Capart 
being  appointed  professor  at  both  places.  For  the  purpose 
of  his  lectures  he  drew  up  a  series  of  studies  embracing 
the  entire  range  of  Oriental  art  in  which  the  predominating 
influence  was  naturally  Egyptian.  The  practical  experience 
gained  over  a  number  of  years  resulted  in  considerable 
additions  and  modifications  to  the  original  scheme,  which 
benefited  by  each  successive  improvement.  Monsieur 
Capart's  wide  knowledge  and  experience,  coupled  with  the 
unrivalled  series  of  documents  which  he  has  amassed,  should 
form  a  basis  for  a  more  comprehensive  study  of  ancient 
Oriental  art  than  has  ever  been  attempted  hitherto. 

In  1 9 14  the  war  brought  these  academic  courses  to  a 
standstill,  but  fortunately  it  was  found  possible  to  resume 
them  in  1916,  but  in  a  more  condensed  form.  These  we 
now  have  in  the  Legons,  The  post-war  difficulties  of  publi- 
cation made  it  impossible  for  the  author  to  produce  a  fully 
illustrated  and  annotated  volume,  but  he  was  fortunately 
prevailed  upon   to   issue   the  text  as  a   provisional   edition 

^  Li^ge:  Imprimerle  H.  Vaillant- Carmine.     1920. 

5 


6  EGYPTIAN   ART 

without  illustrations  or  notes,  until  such  time  as  it  should 
become  possible  to  fulfil  his  original  intentions. 

On  studying  the  Legons  I  was  immediately  struck  by 
a  conspicuous  difference  in  plan  between  them  and  the 
existing  works  on  Egyptian  art.  The  latter,  many  of 
them  excellent  books,  are  really  little  more  than  catalogues 
of  known  works  of  art  arranged  in  chronological  order,  or 
disconnected  studies  of  special  points.  No  other  work 
known  to  me  has  ever  probed  so  deeply  Into  the  question 
of  origins  and  of  motives^  or  has  been  based  upon  such 
thoroughly  evolutional  lines  as  Monsieur  Capart's  book. 
I  realised  what  a  boon  could  be  conferred  upon  English- 
speaking  readers  if  it  could  be  made  accessible  to  them. 
Unfortunately  the  scanty  leisure  hours  which  an  active 
business  life  leaves  at  my  disposal  made  a  translation  of  the 
whole  book  out  of  the  question,  but  I  suggested  to  Monsieur 
Capart  that  an  illustrated  English  edition  of  the  introductory 
chapters  alone  would  be  generally  welcomed.  He  kindly 
assented  to  the  proposal,  and  has  revised  the  text  chapter 
by  chapter  and  added  the  bibliographical  notes.  These 
latter,  which  are  for  the  benefit  of  students,  have  been  collected 
at  the  end  of  each  chapter,  so  as  not  to  encumber  the  text 
with  footnotes. 

In  selecting  the  illustrations  for  this  work  It  has  been 
our  aim  as  far  as  possible  to  avoid  the  unnecessary  duplica- 
tion of  Including  pictures  of  subjects  already  well  known  and 
reproduced  In  Monsieur  Capart's  previous  books  or  in  the 
works  of  others,  except  in  cases  where  their  presence  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  the  correct  understanding  of  the 
text.  A  wealth  of  illustrations  will  be  found  particularly 
in  the  author's  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt  and  In  UArt  Egyptien, 
a  new  edition  of  which  has  recently  appeared. 

I  have  only  to  add  that  I  have  made  a  perfectly  literal 
translation  of  the  French  text,  and  have  subordinated  all 
literary  considerations  to  absolute  clearness.     In  the  tran- 


PREFACE  7 

scription  of  proper  names  I  must  accept  full  responsibility 
for  many  inconsistencies,  for  instead  of  adhering  to  any 
one  system,  I  have  used  those  names  which  are  best  known 
to  general  readers  or  those  which  were  used  by  the  original 
discoverers  or  editors  of  the  monuments. 

Finally,  I  must  express  my  thanks  to  the  author  for  his 
ever-ready  assistance,  and  to  him  as  well  as  to  the  publishers 
for  their  patient  toleration  of  delays  which  were,  however, 
beyond  my  control. 

WARREN    R.    DAWSON. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   I 

PAGE 

THE   COUNTRY  :  ITS   CHARACTERISTIC   ASPECTS  .     17 


CHAPTER  II 
THE   FRAMEWORK   OF   HISTORY        .  .  .  .27 

CHAPTER   III 
PRIMITIVE   UPPER   EGYPT 45 

CHAPTER    IV 
THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC   MONUMENTS       .  .  .56 

CHAPTER  V 

ARCHITECTURAL   HIEROGLYPHS    AND    KINDRED    SUB- 
JECTS   ......••     74 

CHAPTER    VI 
MATERIALS   AND   ELEMENTS   OF   BUILDING  .  .     89 

CHAPTER  VII 
FUNDAMENTAL   FORMS   IN   ARCHITECTURE         .  .  104 

CHAPTER  VIII 
FUNDAMENTAL  FORMS  IN  ARCHITECTURE  {continued)       .  117 

CHAPTER    IX 

CONCERNING    COLUMNS    AND    THE     TRANSPOSITION 
OF     THE      FORMS      PROPER     TO     ONE    MATERIAL 

INTO   ANOTHER        .  .  .  .  .  .131 

9 


lo  EGYPTIAN   ART 

CHAPTER   X 
THE   CONVENTIONS   OF   EGYPTIAN   DRAWING    .  .  14.5 


PAGX 


CHAPTER    XI 
THE   ARTISTIC  IDEAS   OF   THE   EGYPTIANS  .  .  160 

INDEX  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .177 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

with  references  to  the  pages  in  text  wherein  they  are  described  or 

referred  to. 

PLATE  PACK 

1.  Stele  of  the  Serpent  King 34 

{After  B£n]^dite  :    Monuments  Piot.) 

2.  Panels  of  Hesi 34 

{After  Mariette  :    Album  du  Musee  du  Boulaq) 

3.  Reconstruction    of   the    Pyramids    of    Kheops   and 

Khephren 34 

{After  HoLSCHER  :    Das  Grabdenkmai  des  Konigs  Chephren.) 

4.  Pectoral  of  Sesostris  III  from  Dashur  .         .       36 

{After  photographs  by  Brugsch-Pacha.) 

5.  Fajade   of  the  Tomb   of   Chnumhotep   II  at   Beni 

Hasan  36 

{After  Mariette  :    Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte.) 

6.  Portico    of    Anubis    in    the    Temple    of    Deir-el- 

Bahari 37 

{After  a  photograph  by  Dr.  C.  Mathieu.) 

7.  Columns  in  the  Tomb  of   Ay  at  Tell-el-Amarna       37 

{After  Les  Monuments  du  Culte  d'Atonou.) 

8.  Arm-chair  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty       •         •         •       39 

{After  Borchardt  :    Kunstv^erke  ....  Museum  zu  Kairo.) 

9.  Passage  in  the  Temple  of  Horus  at  Edfu,  showing 

the  Gargoyles       .......       40 

{After  a  photograph  by  H.  B£CHARD.) 

10.     The   Royal  Tomb   of  Naqada  as   restored   by    De 

Morgan  ........       56 

{Drawn  by  J.  S^DILLOT  after  DE  Morgan  :    Recherches  sur  les 
Origines  de  I'Egypte.) 

II 


12  EGYPTIAN   ART 

PLATK  PAGX 

11.  Central  Court  of  the  Pyramid-Temple  of  Sahure 

AS    RESTORED    BY    BoRCHARDT  ....  67 

{After  BoRCHARDT  :    Das  Grabdenhmal  des  K5nigs  Sahure.) 

12.  Pronaos  of  the  Temple  of  Horus  at  Edfu      .   67 

{After  a  photograph  by  H.  B^chard.) 

13.  Architectural  Hieroglyphs       .....       74 

{Draivn  by  J.  S^DILLOT  after  Davies  :    The  Mastaba  of  Ptah- 
hetep.) 

14.  Light    Canopy  in    the    Royal   Tomb  at    Tell-el- 

Amarna 77 

{Drawn  by  J.  S^DILLOT  after  Les  Monuments  du  Cube  d'Atonou.) 

15.  Storehouses  of  the  Temple  at  Tell-el-Amarna       .       77 

{Drawn  by  J.  S^dillot  after  Davies:   The  Rock  Tombs  of  El- 
Amarna.) 

16.  Door-frame    in    the    Hathor   Sanctuary    at    Deir- 

el-Bahari       ....  ...       77 

{Drawn  by  J.  Si^DiLLOT  after  Naville  :    The  Temple  of  Deir-el- 
Bahari.) 

17.  The  Ornamented  Stele  of  Ptah-hetep  .         .       78 

{After  Davies  :    The  Mustaba  of  Ptah-hetep.) 

18.  The  Simple  Stele  of  Ptah-hetep  ...       78 

{After  Davies  :    op.  cit.) 

19.  The  Sarcophagus  of  King  Mycerinus       ...       79 

{After  Prisse  d'Avennes  :    Historie  de  I' Art  Egyptien.) 

20.  Imitation    of    Mat-work    and    Woven    Fabrics    on 

THE  Stele  of  Hesi  ......       82 

{After  QuiBELL  :    The  Tomb  of  Hesy.) 

21.  Funerary    Shrine    of    Princess    Sadhe    at    Deir-el- 

Bahari  ........       85 

{Drawn  by  J.  S^DILLOT  after  Naville  :   The  Xlth  Dynasty  Temple 
of  Deir-el-Bahari.) 

22.  Funerary  Shrine  of  Princess  Aashait  at   Deir-el- 

Bahari  ........       85 

{Drawn  by  J.  S£dillot  after  NAVILLE:  op.  cit.) 

23.  Brick  Vaulting  of  IIIrd  Dynasty  .         .         .         •       9^ 

{After  Garstang  :    The  Tombs  of  the  IIIrd  Egyptian  Dynasty.) 

24.  Chapel  of  Anubis  at  Deir-el-Bahari       ...       92 

{After  J£quier  :    Les  Temples  memphites  et  th/bains.) 


ILLUSTRATIONS  \       13 

PLATE  PAGK 

25.  Windows  in  the  Hypostyle  Hall  at  Karnak  .       98 

{Photograph  by  J.  Capart.) 

26.  The  Great  Temple  of  Horus  at  Edfu  .         .105 

{Photograph  by  H.  Bi^chard.) 

27.  Propylon  of  the  Temple  of  Khonsu  at  Karnak     .     106 

{After  Mariette  :    Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte.) 

28.  Second  Hypostyle  Hall  of  the  Temple  of  Seti  I 

AT  Abydos  .......     107 

{Photograph  by  J.  Capart.) 

29.  Section  of  the  Temple  of  Hathor  at  Dendera      ,     107 

{After  Mariette  :    Dend^rah.) 

30.  Vestibule    of    the    Temple    of    Khephren — Upper 

Part       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .108 

{After  J^QUIER  :    Les  Temples  memphites  et  thebains.) 

31.  Granite   Pillars   in   the   Temple   of   Khephren   at 

Gizeh     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .109 

{Photograph  by  J.  Capart.) 

32.  Granite     Pillars     at     Karnak,     ornamented     by 

floral  devices        .         .         .         .         .         .         .110 

{Photograph  by  Dr.  C.  Mathieu.) 

33.  Pillars  in  the  Second  Hypostyle  Hall  of  Seti  I 

at  Abydos      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .112 

{After  Caulfield  :    The  Temple  of  the  Kings.) 

34.  Tomb  of  Ameni-Amenemhat  at  Beni- Hasan     .         '113 

{Photograph  by  J.  Garstang.) 

35.  Hathor  Pillars  in  the  Temple  of  Amenophis   III 

AT  El  Kab  113 

{After  Tylor  :    Wall  Draivings  and  Monuments  of  El-Kab.) 

36.  OsiRiAN   Pillars    from   the   Temple   of   Sesostris  I 

AT  Lisht        .  ,114 

{After  J£quier  :    Les  Temples  memphites  et  thebains.) 

37.  LoTiFORM  Columns  represented  by  Paintings  .     118 

{Draivn  by  J.  S^DILLOT  after  Prisse   d'Avennes  :    Histoire  de 
I'Art  Egyptien.) 

38.  LoTiFORM  Columns  in  an  Ancient  Empire  relief  in 

the  Tomb  of  Ti  -. 118 

{After  Mariette  :    Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte.) 


14  EGYPTIAN   ART 

PLATE  PAGE 

39.  LoTiFORM    Column    from    the    Mastaba    of    Ptah- 

Shepshes         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         -119 

{After  a  photograph  by  Brugsch-Pacha.) 

40.  Fasciculated   Papyriform   Columns   in   the  Temple 

OF  Ne-user-re         .         .         .         .         .         .         .121 

{After  BoRCHARDT  :    Ausgrabungen  bet  Abusir.) 

41.  Typical   Fasciculated  Papyriform   Columns   of  the 

XVIIIth  Dynasty I2i 

{After  Prisse  d'Avennes  :    Histoire  de  VArt  Egyptien.) 

42.  Papyriform    Columns    of   the    Hypostyle    Hall   at 

Karnak  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .123 

{After  a  photograph  by  B£ato.) 

43.  Open-capitaled     Papyriform     Column     from     the 

Palace  of  Amenophis  IV       .         .         .         .         .123 
{Dranjon  by  J.  S^DiLLOT  after  Petrie  :    Tell-el-Amarna) 

44.  Capital    of    Column    in    the    Hypostyle    Hall    at 

Karnak  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .123 

{After  Lepsius  :    Denkmdler.) 

45.  Capitals  of  Cyperus  Papyrus  in  the  Hypostyle  Hall 

AT  Esneh        ........     124 

{After  a  photograph  by  B£ato.} 

46.  Composite  Floral   Columns  represented  by   Paint- 

ings        .........1 25 

{Drait:n   by  J.   S^DILLOT  after  Prisse  d'Avennes  :  Hisioire  de 
I  Art  Egyptien.) 

47.  Portico  of  the  Temple  of  Isis  at  Phil-^         .         .125 

{After  a  photograph  by  B^chard.) 

48.  Hypostyle  Hall  of  the  Dendera  Temple        .         .127 

{After  a  photograph  by  B^atc.) 

49.  Theban  Temple  of  Ptah  at  Karnak        .         .         .135 

[Photograph  by  J.  C apart.) 

50.  Small  Funerary  Tents  represented  on  a  Bas-relief 

IN  the  Berlin  Museum 135 

{Photograph  by  the  Graphische  Gesellschaft  of  Berlin.) 

51      Erection  of  a  Funerary  Tent  represented  by  a  Bas- 
relief  IN  THE  Berlin  Museum       .         .         .  .135 
{Photograph  by  the  Berlin  Graphische  Gesellschaft.) 


ILLUSTRATIONS  15 

PLATE  PACK 

52,  Pillars  at  Zawiet-el-Maietin  .         .         .         .136 

{After  Prisse  d'Avennes  :    Histoire  de  VArt  Egyptien )    ' 

53.  Granite  Naos   of  Euergetes   II  and  Cleopatra  at 

Debod    .........     137 

{After  RoDER  :    Debod  bis  Bab  Kalabsche.) 

54,  Theban  House  represented  in  the  Tomb  of  Nefer- 

HOTEP      .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  '137 

{After  RoSELLlNl  :    Monumenti  ci'vili.) 

55,  Hathor  Cow  of  the  Saite  Period  .         .         .     141 

{After  Bissing-Bruckmann  :    Denkmdler  dgyptische  Skulptur.) 

56.  Ramesses  VI  immolating  a  Vanquished  Foe  .     141 

{After  a  photograph  by  BrugsCH-Pacha.) 

57.  The    Palace   of   Amenophis    IV   represented   full- 

face        .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .146 

{DraiMti  by  ].  Sl^DiLLOT  after  Davies  :    The  Rod  Tombs  of  El 
Amama.) 


58.     The    Palace   of    Amenophis    IV    represented   from 
A  side  view 

{Draijcn  by  J.  SioiLLOT  after  Davies  :    op.  at.) 


61.     Ethiopians   bringing  Tribute  :   from  The  tomb  of 
HuY  AT  Thebes  

{After  Lepsius  :    Denkmdler.) 


HI 


59.  Painted  Reliefs  in  the  Tomb  of  Mer-ab         .         ,     149 

{After  Lepsius  :    Denkmdler.) 

60.  Banqueting    Scene    from    a    Tomb-fresco    in     the 

British  Museum  151 

{After  a  photograph  by  Mansell.) 


154 


62.  Serdab  containing  Funereal  Statues  .         .         .167 

{After  a  photograph  by  Junker.) 

63.  Unguent-holders    of    the    New    Kingdom    in    the 

Louvre  ........     168 

{After  Rayet  :    Monuments  et  VArt  antique) 

64.  Unguent-holder  in  the  Liverpool  Museum     .         ,     168 

{Photograph  by  ].  Capart.) 


EGYPTIAN    ART 


CHAPTER    I 

THE      COUNTRY:      ITS     CHARACTERISTIC 

ASPECTS 

THE  natural  introduction  to  lessons  on  Egyptian 
Art  is  a  study,  however  summary,  of  the  physical 
conditions  of  the  country. 
Without  exaggerating  the  influence  of  this  medium 
upon  artistic  productions,  it  is  nevertheless  necessary  to 
take  into  account  the  chief  peculiarities  of  the  Nile  Valley, 
and  to  show  in  what  respects  this  region  essentially  differs 
from  almost  every  other  land,  (i) 

It  is  not  intended  to  repeat  here  the  pages  of  a  handbook 
of  physical  geography,  (2)  still  less  to  transcribe  the  intro- 
ductory paragraphs  of  a  traveller's  guide  to  Egypt,  but 
rather  to  attempt  to  convey  as  succinct  an  impression  as 
possible  of  the  divers  aspects  of  the  Nile  Valley,  which, 
on  the  whole,  has  altered  very  little  since  ancient  times. 

Let  us  glance  at  a  map  of  Egypt.  Across  the  great 
desert  regions  of  North-Eastern  Africa  the  Nile  forms  a 
giant  oasis,  exceedingly  elongated,  which  can  be  divided 
into  two  principal  parts  :  the  triangular  estuary,  called 
the  Delta,  and  the  course  of  the  stream,  which  stretches 
far  away  towards  the  interior  of  Africa.  The  Delta  is  known 
as  Lower  Egypt,  and  the  river  proper,  as  far  as  the  First 
Cataract,  Upper  Egypt. 

Egypt  is  situated  at  the  point  of  contact  of  three  worlds  : 
on  its  northern  frontier  it  adjoins  the  eastern  basin  of  the 
Mediterranean  ;    on   the   eastern    frontier   of  the   Delta   it 

2 


i8  EGYPTIAN   ART 

touches  Asia  ;  and,  by  the  course  of  the  river,  it  effects  a 
penetration  into  African  regions. 

The  natural  frontiers  of  the  north,  the  east  and  the 
west  (Libyan  or  Sahara  desert)  have  never  changed,  but 
that  of  the  south,  on  the  contrary,  has  reached  farther  and 
farther  up  the  course  of  the  Nile  just  as  the  power  of  the 
kings  of  Egypt  has  extended  to  remoter  regions.  The 
First  Cataract,  in  the  Assuan  district,  constitutes,  however, 
in  a  general  way  the  southern  frontier  of  Egypt  proper 
towards  the  south.  The  Pharaohs  of  the  Ancient  Empire 
rarely  went  beyond  it  :  those  of  the  Middle  Empire  con- 
quered Lower  Nubia  ;  and  later,  Egyptian  domination 
extended  to  Upper  Nubia  and  even  to  the  Sudan. 

Descriptions  of  Egypt  have  often  been  written,  by  ancient 
travellers,  Greek  and  Roman,  by  the  Arabs  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  (3)  and  by  countless  writers  in  modern  times.  (4) 

Let  us  first  recall  the  brief  and  striking  phrase  by  which 
Herodotus  described  Egypt  as  **  a  gift  of  the  Nile."  One 
might  suppose  that  the  Arab  general,  Amru,  who  conquered 
Egypt  in  a.d.  640  knew  Herodotus'  definition,  and  that 
he  made  a  commentary  upon  it  in  his  letter  to  the  Kalif 
Omar  :  *'  O  Prince  of  the  Faithful,  picture  to  yourself 
an  arid  desert  and  a  magnificent  country  between  two 
mountain-ranges  :  such  is  Egypt.  All  her  products  and 
all  her  riches  from  Assuan  to  Mencha  come  from  the 
kindly  stream  which  flows  majestically  amid  the  country. 
The  time  of  the  rise  and  of  the  ebb  of  its  waters  is  so  governed 
by  the  courses  of  the  sun  and  the  moon  that  there  is  one 
season  of  the  year  when  all  the  elements  of  the  universe 
come  to  pay  to  this  King  of  Rivers  the  tribute  with  which 
Providence  has  endowed  them  for  his  benefit.  Then  the 
waters  increase,  leave  their  bed  and  cover  the  whole  face 
of  Egypt  in  order  to  deposit  there  the  fertile  mud.  There 
is  no  communication  between  village  and  village  save  by 
means  of  boats,  which  are  as  numerous  as  palm-leaves. 
When  at  last  the  time  comes  when  the  waters  cease  to  be 
necessary  to  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  docile  river  retreats 
within  the  banks  which  destiny  has  marked  out  for  it, 
leaving  the  treasures  which  are  hidden  in  the  bosom  of  the 


THE  COUNTRY:   CHARACTERISTICS     19 

earth  to  be  gathered  in.  A  people  protected  by  Heaven, 
and  who,  like  the  bee,  seem  destined  to  work  only  for  the 
benefit  of  others  without  profit  to  themselves  of  the  fruit 
of  the  sweat  of  their  brows,  busily  open  up  the  earth's  surface 
to  sow  there  the  seeds  which  will  be  fertilised  by  Him  who 
makes  the  harvests  grow  and  ripen.  The  germ  develops, 
the  shoot  appears,  the  ear  forms  by  the  aid  of  the  dew  which 
takes  the  place  of  rain  and  which  maintains  the  fruitful 
moisture  with  which  the  soil  is  charged  :  then  sterility 
once  more  succeeds  the  most  abundant  of  harvests.  It  is 
thus,  O  Prince  of  the  Faithful,  that  Egypt  displays  the 
picture,  each  in  turn,  of  a  dusty  desert,  a  watery  plain,  a 
black  and  slimy  bog,  a  verdant  meadow,  a  garden  decked 
with  flowers,  and  a  landscape  covered  with  golden  har- 
vest." (5) 

A  modern  scholar,  Gaston  Maspero,  has  given  in  his 
great  work.  The  Dawn  of  Civilisation  :  Egypt  and  Chaldtea^ 
a  precise  description  of  the  different  aspects  of  the  Nile. 
Few  travellers  have  had  occasion  to  traverse  Egypt  in  all 
its  nooks  and  corners  in  so  thorough  a  fashion  as  Maspero, 
As  Director-General  of  the  Service  of  Antiquities  it  was 
his  duty  to  examine  personally  the  ruins  and  excavations. 
Each  year  he  delighted  to  make  a  tour  of  inspection,  which 
gave  him  the  opportunity  ever  and  again  of  seeing  afresh 
these  riverside  scenes,  thereby  adding  to  and  seasoning 
the  impressions  which  he  felt.  This  is  why  his  testimony, 
particularly  important  as  it  is,  enables  us  to  lay  aside  the 
mass  of  other  descriptions  and  to  concentrate  upon  the 
principal  features  of  his. 

First,  then,  let  us  see  how  he  characterises  the  two 
principal  parts  of  Egypt.  After  having  noted  the  three 
chief  mouths  of  the  Nile,  which  empty  themselves  into  the 
sea  and  thus  divide  the  Delta  into  two  nearly  equal  sectors, 
Maspero  expresses  himself  as  follows  :  "  These  three  great 
waterways  are  united  by  a  tracery  of  artificial  rivers  and 
canals  and  by  ditches,  some  natural,  others  dug  by  the  hand 
of  man,  which  silt  up,  close,  open  again  and  shift  ceaselessly, 
ramifying  into  innumerable  branches  over  the  surface  of  the 
soil,   spreading  life  and  fertility  broadcast.     This   network 


20  EGYPTIAN   ART 

shrinks  and  becomes  simpler  as  one  proceeds  southwards, 
the  black  earth  and  cultivation  grow  less,  the  tawny  outline 
of  the  desert  appears,  the  Libyan  and  Arabian  hills  rear 
themselves  and  come  nearer  together  and  restrict  the  horizon 
more  and  more,  and,  at  the  point  where  they  may  be  said 
to  unite,  the  Delta  ends  and  Egypt  proper  begins.  It  is 
only  a  band  of  vegetable  mould  stretching  from  north  to 
south  between  two  regions  of  drought  and  desolation,  an 
elongated  oasis  along  the  borders  of  the  Nile,  made  and 
sustained  by  the  Nile.  Two  ranges  of  hills,  nearly  parallel, 
hem  it  in  and  throughout  its  length,  at  an  average  distance 
of  twelve  miles  apart."  (6) 

And  now  let  us  see  his  description  of  the  stream  itself 
and  its  banks  :  "  It  flows  with  a  strong  and  even  current 
under  the  black  banks  cut  straight  through  the  alluvial 
earth.  There  are  little  copses  of  date-palms,  groups  of 
acacias  and  sycomores,  plots  of  barley  or  wheat,  fields  of 
beans  or  bersim^  here  and  there  banks  of  sand  which  the 
slightest  wind  stirs  up  into  clouds,  and  above  all  deep  silence, 
scarcely  broken  by  the  cries  of  the  birds  or  by  the  song  of 
the  oarsmen  of  a  passing  boat.  .  .  .  The  same  landscape 
repeats  itself  again  and  again  every  day.  Everywhere  the 
same  tree-clumps  alternate  with  the  same  fields,  growing 
green  or  parching  in  the  sun,  according  to  the  season.  The 
Nile  unfolds  its  wandering  course  with  the  same  motion 
amid  the  islets  and  its  steep  banks  :  village  follows  village 
at  once  smiling  and  dull  beneath  its  canopy  of  leaves."  (7) 

This  general  view  becomes  more  detailed  as  we  examine 
different  sites  which  show  us  successively  the  most  charac- 
teristic aspects  of  the  Egyptian  landscape. 

Let  us  first  look  at  the  course  of  the  river  itself,  taking 
it  from  the  point  where  it  enters  Egypt  in  the  Assuan 
district  near  the  famous  Island  of  Philae.  The  placid  and 
still  waters  formerly  made,  before  the  construction  of  the 
Assuan  barrage,  a  wonderful  border  around  this  little  islet 
which  is  decked  with  the  temples  of  the  goddess  Isis  like  a 
sacred  barque  floating  in  the  midst  of  the  stream.  But  now 
this  beautiful  site  is  bereft  of  the  greater  part  of  its  charm. 

Soon,    as    it    proceeds    downstream    from    Philae,    the 


THE   COUNTRY:   CHARACTERISTICS     21 

gathering  momentum  of  the  water  hurls  it  headlong  in  a 
more  and  more  rapid  fall,  and  the  stream  makes  its  leap 
over  several  successive  ledges  ;  this  is  what  we  call  the  cataract. 
Were  one  to  clamber  up  to  the  top  of  one  of  the  rocky 
islets  with  which  the  river-bed  is  strewn,  the  horizon  would 
be  descried  stretching  away — vast  and  lowering. 

On  all  sides  the  eye  surveys  nothing  but  islands  and 
granite  boulders,  amongst  which  the  waters  thread  their 
way,  and  only  the  scanty  palm-trees  impart  life  here  and 
there  to  a  scene  which  would  otherwise  be  as  barren  as  the 
desert. 

Soon  again,  however,  the  river  calms  down,  until,  in 
the  region  of  Elephantine,  it  has  almost  entirely  regained 
its  placidity.  From  here  right  down  to  the  sea  its  current 
ebbs  peacefully  on,  spreading  out  or  contracting  as  it  follows 
the  profile  of  the  valley.  If  in  some  places  its  breadth  gives 
it  the  aspect  of  an  arm  of  the  sea,  in  others  it  quickly  pulls 
itself  in  to  the  narrowness  of  a  canal.  Wherever  the  Nile 
is  shallow  it  is  parted  ever  and  again  by  sand-banks  which 
hinder  shipping  ;  and  they  must  be  rounded  by  means 
of  the  deep  channel  which  flows  immediately  under  one  or 
other  of  the  banks. 

If,  again,  in  several  places,  the  river  abuts  directly  on 
to  the  mountains,  which  may  in  places  even  assume  the  form 
of  cliffs,  the  shores  are  more  often  flat  and  desolate,  but 
dotted  here  and  there  by  palm-groves. 

Every  year,  from  June  to  October,  the  inundation  drives 
the  river  from  its  bed  :  that  part  of  the  valley  which  is 
under  water  and  on  which  the  mud  is  deposited — the  mud 
with  which  the  water  is  charged — constitutes  what  might 
be  called  the  real  Egypt  in  opposition  to  the  desert. 

We  will  now  consider,  at  different  points  in  the  valley, 
the  effect  of  this  distinctive  phenomenon. 

If  in  the  region  of  Assuan  one  moves  some  little  distance 
from  the  river  to  the  ruins  of  St.  Simeon's  Convent  in  the 
desert  gorge,  and  from  thence  surveys  the  landscape,  one 
would  at  once  get  there  an  aspect  very  typical  of  Egypt. 
In  the  dried-up  valley  a  bed  of  sand  spreads  down  to  the 
river  :  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile  the  desert  reigns  supreme. 


22  EGYPTIAN  ART 

On  the  right  bank  of  the  stream  a  narrow  strip  of  ground 
is  for  the  most  part  covered  by  the  little  town  of  Assuan. 
Immediately  beyond,  the  Arabian  desert  reappears  and 
stretches  as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach.  Here  the  valley  is 
reduced  to  very  small  limits. 

At  Thebes,  on  the  contrary,  the  plain  opens  out  widely. 
The  traveller  stationed  at  Luxor  on  the  right  bank  would 
see  before  him  the  river  broad  and  calm,  whilst  on  the  left 
bank  the  foreshore,  sloping  up  gently,  is  uncovered  day 
by  day  as  the  inundation  abates.  A  little  beyond  this 
sandy  stretch,  ill-fitted  for  cultivation,  he  would  espy  a 
black  strip  of  muddy  land,  dotted  with  groups  of  trees,  and 
beyond  that  again  the  desert  range  rears  its  mountain 
head. 

If  the  traveller  now  stations  himself  on  the  lower  slopes 
of  these  very  mountains  and  at  the  extreme  west  of  the 
valley,  he  will  see  the  great  Theban  plain  unfold  before 
him  in  all  its  fullness.  At  his  feet  are  the  first  slopes  of  the 
hills,  riddled  with  excavations  which  are  ancient  tombs, 
with  Arab  dwellings  dotted  about  here  and  there.  Bordering 
on  the  desert  the  majestic  ruins  of  the  great  temple  of 
Ramesses  II  (known  as  the  Ramesseum)  rear  themselves, 
while  a  little  towards  the  right  the  two  colossal  statues  of 
the  so-called  Memnon  appear  in  sight,  the  two  statues 
which  stood  before  the  funerary  temple  of  Amenophis  III. 
An  irrigation  canal,  as  a  narrow  glittering  band,  forms  the 
background  of  the  picture  as  it  crosses  the  plain  diagonally 
on  its  way  to  the  Nile.  Beyond  the  river  a  straight  black 
strip  marks  out  the  cultivated  area  on  the  right  bank,  and 
finally  the  mountains  of  the  Arabian  desert  rise  up  to  the 
very  horizon,  where  they  are  partly  lost  to  view. 

Nor  is  the  view  very  different  if  one  moves  one's  posi- 
tion to  the  apex  of  the  Delta,  from  such  a  point  as  the  heights 
of  the  great  necropolis  of  Saqqara  and  Abusir. 

The  problem  before  the  population  of  Egypt  from  the 
earliest  times  has  ever  been  to  extend  to  the  fullest  possible 
limits  the  benefits  of  the  inundation,  to  subdue  the  desert 
territory,  ever  too  vast,  by  preventing  the  sand  from  ravaging 
what  the  farmers  have  won  and  which  they  owe  to  their 


THE  COUNTRY:   CHARACTERISTICS     23 

labours  in  irrigation  :  and  the  modern  engineer  merely 
continues,  in  a  sense,  the  traditions  of  the  most  ancient 
inhabitants  of  the  land.  One  result  deserves  special  men- 
tion, and  that  is  that  the  Egyptians,  begrudging  the  loss 
of  the  smallest  part  of  this  precious  land,  have  relegated 
to  the  desert  the  buildings  consecrated  to  the  cult  of  the 
dead. 

Having  thus  considered  the  river  and  its  valley,  we  must 
take  a  rapid  glance  at  the  cultivation  and  the  handiwork  of 
the  inhabitants. 

In  Lower  Egypt  the  plain  stretches  away  to  infinity. 
Rich  in  harvests  most  abundant,  but  wearying  to  the  eye, 
fields  follow  on  fields,  enlivened  by  groups  of  palm-trees 
and  now  and  then  by  a  wood.  From  tract  to  tract,  village 
follows  on  village,  consisting  usually  of  a  handful  of  dwellings, 
linked  up  by  roadways  overshadowed  by  trees,  and  at  a 
level  scarcely  higher  than  that  of  the  neighbouring  culti- 
vation. Canals,  branching  ever  more  and  more,  wind 
throughout,  some,  fairly  broad,  lapping  lazily  amongst  the 
groves  of  palm-trees,  whilst  others,  narrower,  glide  like 
little  brooks  across  the  villages. 

Various  hydraulic  devices,  besides,  make  it  possible  to 
raise  the  water  from  the  canals  and  to  spread  it  over  the 
land.  The  simplest  of  these  is  called  the  shadou}^  and  is 
a  kind  of  balance,  with  a  counterweight  which  lifts  a  recep- 
tacle full  of  water  to  a  raised  trench  into  which  the  labourer 
who  works  the  machine  deftly  turns  it.  The  shadouf  is  an 
extremely  ancient  invention,  for  it  figures  on  the  monuments 
of  Pharaonic  times.  (8) 

Let  us  now  consider  some  typical  landscapes  in  the 
cultivated  districts  of  Upper  Egypt.  The  picturesque 
village  of  Kafr  el  Haram  groups  its  houses  at  the  foot  of 
the  plateau  of  Gizeh,  upon  which  the  great  pyramids  rear 
themselves  :  beyond,  as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach,  extends 
the  plain,  dappled  with  great  pools  of  water  left  behind 
by  the  retreating  inundation.  In  the  distance  another 
village  hides  itself  beneath  a  group  of  palms. 

When  one  goes  from  the  station  at  Bedrechein  to  the 
Saqqara    necropolis,    the    region     of     Mit-Rahine    is    first 


24  EGYPTIAN   ART 

crossed,  whose  rich  crops  spread  away  as  far  as  the  eye  can 
reach.  At  the  very  foot  of  the  mountain  the  village  of 
Saqqara,  which  has  given  its  name  to  the  whole  district, 
abuts  on  a  great  marsh  where  geese  and  ducks  sport. 

The  outlook  changes  but  little  in  the  different  tracts  of 
Middle  Egypt.  In  the  Abydos  district,  for  instance,  from 
the  Nile  right  up  to  the  mountains  one  crosses  wonderfully 
fertile  lands,  which  show  as  the  inundation  retreats  a  heavy 
mould  which  dries  up  and  cracks  in  all  directions  under 
the  rays  of  the  sun.  This  dark-coloured  soil  contrasts 
sharply  with  the  light  tones  of  the  desert  sand,  and 
when  the  ancient  Egyptians  called  their  country  "  the 
Black  Land  "  they  certainly  hit  upon  its  most  noticeable 
characteristic. 

The  cultivated  land  passes  into  desert  very  suddenly, 
almost  without  any  intermediate  change.  One  cannot, 
however,  help  noticing  the  great  trees  which  thrive  vigorously 
on  bare  sand,  as  though  they  stood  as  a  protest  against 
sterility,  although  their  deep-set  roots  burrow  down  to  levels 
reached  by  infiltrated  water. 

The  desert  merges  really  into  the  mountain,  or  rather 
into  the  two  chains  of  mountains  which  divide  off"  the  course 
of  the  river.  The  Libyan  range  follows  the  left  bank,  just 
as  the  Arabian  follows  the  right.  Towards  Lower  Egypt 
the  desert  is  flat  and  monotonous,  rolling  away  in  sand- 
dunes  for  mile  after  mile.  At  the  rainy  season  a  sparse 
vegetation  marks  out  the  routes  on  which  the  caravans 
depend  for  feeding  their  beasts  of  burden.  Towards  Upper 
Egypt  the  desert  rises  often  into  gentle  slopes  up  to  the 
point  where  it  reaches  the  mountains,  and  then  it  rises 
quite  steeply,  often  in  terraces.  The  necropolis  of  Abydos 
offers  a  very  good  instance  of  this.  On  all  sides,  at  the 
lowest  level,  the  soil  is  ploughed  up  and  tossed  about, 
laying  bare  beneath  this  mantle  of  sand  the  mouths  of  the 
shafts  which  give  access  to  the  funereal  chambers  below. 
The  horizon  is  shut  out  by  the  mountain,  which  rears  itself 
several  hundred  feet  above  the  plain,  a  great  solid  mass 
with  little  variation  in  its  outline.  At  Thebes,  on  the  other 
hand,   the  contours  are  more  varied,   the  successive  slopes 


THE   COUNTRY:   CHARACTERISTICS     25 

of  the  hills  are  more  sharply  cut ;  above  them  a  peak  towers 
up,  reminding  one  of  a  natural  pyramid,  the  "  Peak  of  the 
West "  as  the  ancients  called  it.  (9)  The  action  of  the 
sand,  blown  about  by  the  wind,  has  cut  capriciously  into 
the  limestone,  as  for  instance  above  the  famous  temple  of 
Deir-el-Bahari. 

The  mountain-chain  breaks  up  at  times  suddenly,  giving 
access  to  a  desolate  valley  :  the  best-known  if  not  the  most 
typical  case  of  this  is  the  Valley  of  the  Kings  at  Thebes. 
Its  long  and  winding  course  gives  some  extremely  pictur- 
esque glimpses,  recalling  at  times  the  primeval  chaos  of 
the  valley.  i\.t  one  point  the  ancient  Egyptians  have  cut 
through  the  foundations  of  a  natural  amphitheatre  in  the 
mountains,  where  they  excavated  the  last  resting-places  of 
the  great  monarchs  of  the  New  Em.pire.  Here,  at  the 
foot  of  a  sheer  cliff,  at  the  end  of  a  spur  of  gigantic  rocks  in 
steep  defiles,  the  sovereigns  who  had  brought  under  their 
sway  the  whole  of  the  world  known  in  their  days  slept 
their  last  sleep.  In  another  valley,  not  so  wild  in  its  aspect, 
are  hewn  the  tombs  of  their  queens  and  their  princes. 

As  far  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Gebel-Silsileh  the 
mountains  are  of  limestone.  Here  a  bank  of  compact  sand- 
stone is  encountered,  and  the  Nile  has  cut  for  itself  a  pathway 
through  the  stone,  reducing  the  size  of  the  valley  to  that 
of  its  own  breadth.  The  banks  are  cut  up  by  great  excava- 
tions which  mark  the  site  of  ancient  quarries.  In  the 
Assuan  region  we  have  seen  how  the  river  has  forced  a  road 
amid  the  granite  boulders  :  at  times  the  blocks  have  been 
rolled  along  and  lean  one  on  another  as  if  Titans  had  piled 
up  there  an  armoury  of  stones  of  different  sizes  from  which 
were  to  be  selected  the  materials  for  the  building  of  the 
royal  monuments. 

Thus  we  have  come  across  the  principal  materials  used 
in  the  great  building  operations  of  antiquity  :  limestone, 
sandstone  and  granite,  which  the  architects  made  use  of 
in  the  manner  we  shall  presently  see. 

Finally  we  must  draw  attention  to  the  element  which 
has  played  the  fundamental  role  in  the  architecture  of 
Ancient   Egypt — the   Nile   mud.     The   inhabitants   find   it 


26  EGYPTIAN  ART 

everywhere  ready  to  hand.  Still  moist  from  the  inundation 
they  dug  it,  sometimes  mixing  it  with  chopped  straw  to 
give  it  greater  consistency,  they  moulded  it  into  blocks  of 
even  size,  arranged  in  rows  on  the  ground,  where  the  rays 
of  the  sun  quickly  imparted  sufficient  firmness  to  make  it 
usable  at  once  for  building. 

And  to  this  day  one  sometimes  comes  across  a  native 
brickworks  near  the  borders  of  the  desert  where  the  blocks 
of  mud  are  laid  out  in  straight  lines  on  the  ground  to  be 
dried  by  the  sun  :  or  again,  on  the  very  banks  of  the  river, 
one  may  see  at  once  the  bank  from  which  the  material  has 
been  taken,  the  bricks  drying,  the  dried  bricks  piled  in 
stacks,  and  finally  the  native  houses  which  have  retained 
under  the  mason's  hand  the  same  form  which  has  come 
down  from  long-past  ages. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1 .  Schrader,  F.,  Les  Origlnes  planitaires  de  I'Egypte,  in  the  Revue  de  VEcoIe 
d'anthropologie  de  Paris,  January  1909,  pp.  15-27. 

2.  Reclus,  E.,  Nouvelle  Giographie  Universe  lie,  t.  x.  V  Afrique  Sepieft' 
trionale,  ist  Part,  Bassin  de  Nil.     Paris,  Hachette,  1885. 

3.  Reitemeyer,  Else,  Beschribung  Agyptens  im  Miitelalter  aus  den  geo- 
graphischen  Werken  der  Araber.     Leipzig,   1903. 

4.  An  idea  will  be  gained  by  consulting,  for  instance,  Lumbroso,  G.,  Des- 
crittori  italiant  dell'  Egitto  e  di  Alessandria  in  the  Memcrie  della  reale  Accademia 
dei  Lincei,  Rome,  1879,  a  work  completed  in  1892  under  the  title  Ritocchi  e 
aggiunte  ai  descrittori  italiant  dell'  Egitto  e  di  Alessandria. 

5.  Translation  from  that  given  in  the  introduction  to  Palmieri  and  B^chard's 
Album  L'Egypte  et  la  Nubie.     Paris,  1887. 

6.  Maspero,  G.,  The  Dawn  of  Civilisation,  5th  edition,  London,  1910, 
p.  6. 

7.  Ibid.,  pp.  7-9. 

8.  Scheil,  V.,  Le  Tom  beau  d'Apoui,  in  the  Mimoires  de  la  Mission  arckiolo- 
gique  frangaise  du  Caire,  t,  v.,  1894,  pp.  607-8  and  pi.  II. 

Wilkinson-Birch,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians,  London, 
1878,  t.  iii.,  p.  281. 

9.  Maspero,  G.,  La  Ddesse  Miritskro  et  ses  guMsons  miraculeuses,  in  the 
itudes  de  Mythologie  et  d'Archhlogie  ^gyptiennes,  t.  ii.,  pp.  402-10. 

Erman,  A.,  La  Religion  /gyptienne.     Paris,  1907,  pp.   112-13. 
Capart,  J.,  Une  Diesse  th^haine-Miritskro,  Bruxelles,  1901.     Extract  from 
the  Revue  de  l' University  de  Bruxelles,  t.  vi.,  1 900-1,  April. 


CHAPTER    II 
THE  FRAMEWORK   OF  HISTORY 

THE  Egyptians  have  bequeathed  to  us  but  scanty 
traces  of  their  historical  records.  We  know,  however, 
that  from  the  earliest  times  they  were  wont  to  record 
Important  events  in  their  history  :  indeed,  there  was  even 
a  special  goddess  relegated  to  preside  over  the  annals  of 
the  Empire,  (i)  but  only  a  few  fragments  have  come  down 
to  us. 

The  document  known  as  the  '*  Palermo  Stone "  and 
some  kindred  fragments  preserved  at  Cairo  were  drawn 
up  under  the  Ancient  Empire,  and  give  us  a  table  of  the 
regnal  years  of  certain  kings  and  an  indication  of  the  most 
important  events  of  those  reigns.  (2)  Unfortunately,  the 
fragments  which  have  survived  make  up  but  a  small  part 
of  the  original  text.  Next  must  be  mentioned  a  list  of  kings 
drawn  up  under  the  New  Empire  and  known  as  the  Turin 
Papyrus,  but  which  Is  hopelessly  mutilated.  (3) 

Some  monumental  lists  have  also  been  recovered  : 
two  at  Abydos,  one  at  Saqqara,  and  one  at  Karnak. 
Several  series  of  royal  names  are  Inscribed  upon  them, 
but  they  were  drawn  up  In  connection  with  certain  phases 
of  religious  worship  ;  whole  periods  are  passed  over  without 
being  represented  by  a  single  king.  (4) 

Manetho  of  Sebennytos,  an  Egyptian  priest  who  was 
contemporary  with  the  first  two  Ptolemies,  wrote  a  history 
of  Egypt,  In  compiling  which  he  drew  upon  Egyptian 
sources  of  Information.  His  work  is  unhappily  lost,  and 
nothing  now  remains  but  some  fragmentary  lists  of  sover- 
eigns.    The   most   Important   fragments    have   come   down 

to  us  In  Josephus'  Contra  Apionem.     The  table  of  dynasties, 

27 


28 


EGYPTIAN  ART 


in  three  books,  is  preserved  in  the  works  of  the  Christian 
historians  (Julianus  Afrlcanus,  Eusebius,  and  Georojius  of 
Syncella),  but  unfortunately  with  serious  alterations  in  the 
names  and  dates.  (5) 

Manetho  had  classified  all  the  kings  of  Egypt  into  a 
number  of  dynasties,  but  the  conception  of  the  dynasties 
lacks  precision.  One  might  suppose,  however,  that  the 
dynasties  took  their  names  from  those  of  the  towns  which 
served  as  capitals,  or  from  which  the  reigning  families  traced 
their  origin. 

The  list  of  towns  is  as  follows  :  Thinis,  Memphis, 
Elephantine,  Heracleopolis,  Thebes,  XoTs,  Tanis,  Bubastis, 
Sa'is,  Mendes,  and  Sebennytos.  The  dynastiee  thus  received 
the  following  nomenclature  : — 


II 


\Th 


inite. 


jy'  >  Memphite. 

v". 

VI.  1 

Elephantinite. 

VII. 
VIII. 

-  Memphite. 

IX.  1 
X. 

-  Heracleopolitan. 

XI.  ^ 

XII. 

►  Theban. 

XIII. 

XIV.    Xoi'te. 

XV.     Hyksos  and  Theban. 

XVI. 

Hyksos. 

XVII. 

Hyksos  and  Theban 

XVIII.^ 

XIX. 

-  Theban. 

XX. 

XXL' 

Tanite  and  Theban. 

XXII. 

Bubastite. 

XXIII. 

Tanite. 

XXIV. 

Saifte. 

XXV. 

Ethiopian  and  Saite. 

XXVI. 

Saite. 

XXVII. 

Persian. 

XXVIII. 

Saite. 

XXIX. 

Mendesian. 

XXX. 

Sebynnite. 

XXXI. 

Persian. 

In  the  framev/ork  thus  built  up,  it  next  remains  to 
classify  the  kings  whose  names  have  been  found  upon  the 
monuments.  One  is  helped  in  this  endeavour  in  several 
ways  :  first  by  direct  identification  of  the  Egyptian  names 
and  those  mentioned  by  Manetho  ;  thus  Khufu  was  Kheops, 
Khafra  was  Khephren,  Ramessu  was  Ramesses.  The  Egyp- 
tian documents  furnish  us  with  the  names  of  successive 
kings,  sometimes  in  genealogies,  for  instance.  At  some 
periods,  too,  the  reigning  king  was  wont  to  associate  his 
successors  with  him  upon  the  throne,  and  the  monuments 
which  bear  the  double  names  establish  the  order  of  succes- 
sion.     In  several  tombs  of  the  Ancient  Empire,  names  of 


THE  FRAMEWORK   OF  HISTORY        29 

funerary  domains  are  often  given  in  connection  with  the 
kings  who  founded  them,  which  makes  it  possible  for  us 
to  make  deductions  as  to  the  grouping  and  often  as  to  the 
succession  of  the  kings.  (6)  In  this  connection  also  men- 
tion may  be  made  of  the  biographical  inscriptions  which 
relate,  for  instance,  how  an  officer  enlisted  under  one  king, 
obtained  promotion  under  another,  gained  distinction  under 
a  third,  etc. 

These  researches  into  the  classification  of  the  kings 
mainly  occupied  the  generation  of  historians  which  preceded 
us.  Their  labours  have  enabled  us  to  readjust  a  great 
number  of  royal  names  in  Manetho's  table  of  dynasties. 

Can  one  compile,  at  the  present  day,  a  true  history  of 
Egypt,  especially  of  the  most  ancient  times  ?  Information 
derived  from  the  monuments,  despite  the  great  abundance 
of  the  latter,  is,  after  all,  of  a  very  fortuitous  nature.  *'  For 
one  ancient  papyrus  which  has  been  rescued,  countless 
millions  must  have  perished.  ...  It  would  seem  that 
there  still  exists  a  great  abundance  of  Egyptian  documents, 
but  they  have  to  cover  an  enormous  space  of  time."  (7) 
We  can  generally  say  that  such  and  such  a  king  carried 
out  building  operations  upon  such  and  such  a  temple  ; 
that  he  undertook  a  military  expedition  against  such  and 
such  a  neighbouring  country  ;  that  he  returned  with  the 
spoils  which  he  proudly  enumerates  ;  to  which  we  may 
add  a  more  or  less  lengthy  catalogue  of  the  monuments 
which   his   contemporaries   have  left   behind  them. 

One  may  see  in  the  histories  of  Wiedemann  and  of 
Petrie  (8)  very  full  lists  which  will  give  some  idea  of  the 
data  which  have  accumulated,  little  by  little,  around  the 
names  of  each  of  the  kings,  but  most  often  without  affording 
us  the  slightest  clue  to  a  due  conception  of  the  main  lines 
of  contemporary  history.  Our  knowledge  of  the  civilisation 
of  Egypt  is  much  fuller,  thanks  to  the  biographical  inscrip- 
tions and  to  the  countless  scenes  depicted  upon  the  temples 
and  the  tombs.  One  can  see  the  use  which  historians  have 
made  of  this  material  in  glancing  through  the  great  works 
of  Maspero,  Edward  Meyer  and  Breasted.  (9) 

We   must  also   allude  to  another   important  source   of 


30 


EGYPTIAN   ART 


information,  although  the  most  difficult  to  use — the  religious 
texts.  These  appear  to  us,  from  the  times  of  the  Ancient 
Empire,  as  the  written  version  of  a  long  and  almost  invari- 
able oral  tradition.  They  indicate  to  us  a  state  of  civilisation 
which  Egypt  had  long  since  left  behind,  when  these  religious 
texts  were  used.  The  general  impression  which  emerges 
from  a  scrutiny  of  these  materials  is  that  even  the  Egypt 
of  the  earliest  dynasties  had  already  a  long  past  behind  it. 

Without  summarising  here  the  main  lines  of  Egyptian 
history,  which  will  be  found  fully  worked  out  in  the  books 
just  mentioned,  we  must,  however,  define  the  meaning  of 
a  certain  number  of  general  terms  which  will  recur  again 
and  again  in  the  course  of  these  studies.  Various  scholars 
have  grouped  the  dynasties  into  several  sections  under 
denominations  which,  however,  vary  in  their  details. 

Maspero,  in  his  great  History,  expresses  the  arrangement 
thus  (tome  i.,  p.  229)  : — 

**  Ancient  history  is  divided  into  three  periods,  each 
of  which  corresponds  to  the  suzerainty  of  a  city  or  of  a 
principality. 

I.  Memphite  Period,  usually  called  the  Ancient  Empire, 
from  the  1st  to  the  Xth  dynasty  :  kings  of  Mem- 
phite origin  ruled  over  the  whole  of  Egypt  during 
the  major  part  of  this  epoch. 
II.  Theban  Period,  from  the  Xlth  to  the  XXth 
dynasty.  It  is  subdivided  into  two  parts  by  the 
invasion  of  the  Shepherds  (XVIth  dynasty). 
(a)  The    First    Theban    Empire    (Middle    Empire), 

from  the  Xlth  to  the  XlVth  dynasty. 
{b)  The    New    Theban    Empire,   from    the    XVI Ith 
to  the  XXth  dynasty. 
III.  Saite    Period  :     from    the    XXIst    to    the    XXXth 
dynasty,  subdivided  into  two  unequal  parts  by  the 
Persian  Conquest. 
(a)  First     Saite    Period,    from    the    XXIst    to    the 

XXVIth  dynasty  : 
(J?)  Second  Saite  Period,  from  the  XXVI Ith  to  the 
XXXth  dynasty." 


THE   FRAMEWORK   OF  HISTORY 


31 


Griffith,    in    the    eleventh    edition    of   the    Encyclopedia 
Britannica  (191 1),  uses  the  following  division  : — 


Ancient  Empire  .... 
Middle  Empire  .... 
New  Empire  .... 
Delta  Dynasties : 

Libyan  Period 

Ethiopian  Dynasty    . 

The  XXVIth  Dynasty. 

Persian  Period 

The  XXVIIIth-XXXth  Dynasties. 


Dynasties  I-VIII 
„       IX-XVII 
„       XVIII-XX 

„       XXI-XXIV 
Dynasty  XXV 

„      XXVII 


Finally,  Steindorff,  in  the  edition  of  Baedeker  of  19 14, 
divides  the  dynasties  as  follows  : — 


The  Earliest  Dynasties 
Ancient  Empire   . 
Middle  Empire   . 
New  Empire 
Period  of  Foreign  Kings 
Late  Period 


I  and  II 
III  to  XI 
XII  to  XVI 
XVII  to  XX 
XXI  to  XXV 
XXVI  to  XXX 


In  point  of  fact  these  different  classifications  agree  on 
the  principal  periods  :  Ancient,  Middle  and  New  Empire, 
and  Saite  Period  ;  for  the  differences  merely  affect  the  inter- 
mediate periods.  This  is  exactly  what  results  from  the 
uncertainty  of  our  information  as  to  these  marginal  epochs. 

From  all  this  we  perceive  that  there  are  two  obscure 
epochs,  one  between  the  Ancient  and  Middle  Empires,  the 
other  between  the  Middle  and  the  New,  and  a  confused 
period  between  the  close  of  the  New  Empire  and  the  XXVIth 
dynasty.  We  find  that  the  first  two  of  these  obscure  periods 
have  been  times  of  artistic  decadence  in  Upper  Egypt.  With 
the  inauguration  of  the  Middle  Empire  (Xllth  dynasty), 
of  the  New  Empire  (XVIIIth  dynasty),  and  again  under 
the  Saite  Empire  XXVIth  dynasty),  the  artistic  traditions 
of  the  great  epochs  were  successively  revived.  On  each 
occasion,  in  fact,  the  models  which  served  in  the  most 
brilliant  periods  of  the  Ancient  Empire  were  reverted  to, 
so  that  Egyptian  art  may  thus  be  described  not  as  a  gradual 
artistic  evolution  which  perfected  itself  as  the  ages  rolled 


32  EGYPTIAN   ART 

on,  finally  to  deteriorate  and  die  out,  but  rather  as  a  series 
of  deviations,  or  of  decadence  followed  by  renaissance.  It 
is  thus  that  we  can  explain  the  fundamental  uniformity  of 
Egyptian  art,  in  a  number  of  its  manifestations,  in  spite  of 
the  great  diversity  which  we  notice. 

Let  us  try  to  form  a  general  idea  of  the  mopuments 
which  have  come  down  to  us,  and  which  are  to  serve  as  the 
basis  of  our  studies. 

What  has  been  said  above  on  the  subject  of  history  in 
general  cannot  but  be  repeated  in  the  case  of  the  history 
of  art.  All  our  knowledge  is  above  all  things  fortuitous  ; 
for  certain  periods  materials  abound,  whilst  for  others, 
on  the  contrary,  there  are  none  at  all,  although  one  cannot 
legitimately  infer  from  this  lack  of  evidence  that  the  Egyp- 
tians had  completely  ceased,  for  long  ages,  to  produce  works 
of  art. 

Certain  classes  of  objects  have  entirely  vanished.  It 
is  sufficient  to  cite  but  one  example  :  the  decorative 
goldsmith's  work  which  is  known  to  us  through  the 
representations  of  it  on  bas-reliefs  and  on  paintings  in 
the  tombs  and  temples  of  the  New  Empire,  where  we  see 
the  kings  presenting  it  as  an  offering  to  the  gods,  or  the 
envoys  of  tributary  states  coming  forward  to  lay  it  before 
the  throne  of  the  Pharaoh. 

Of  another  kind  of  monument,  which  is  mentioned  at 
times  in  the  texts,  it  chances  that  a  single  specimen  has 
survived.  This  is  the  great  statue  in  metal  of  King  Pepi  I 
of  the  Vlth  dynasty. 

The  division  of  the  country  into  Upper  and  Lower 
Egypt  is  an  important  one  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
preservation  of  works  of  art.  One  might  say,  almost  without 
exaggeration,  that  in  the  Delta  everything  has  disappeared, 
whilst  in  Upper  Egypt,  on  the  contrary,  a  great  number  of 
antiquities  is  preserved.  This  difference  can  be  accounted 
for  in  various  ways,  of  which  we  may  cite  a  few  instances. 

In  the  Delta,  on  account  of  the  great  distance  of  the 
quarries,  most  of  the  buildings  were  necessarily  constructed 
of  wood  or  brick,  stone  being  but  sparingly  used  only  in  the 
principal  parts,  such  as  in  facades  or  in    doorways.      The 


PLATE  I 


STELE  OF  THE  SERPENT-KING  FROM  MONUMENTS   PIOT 


PLATE  n 


r  - 


'I 


r: 


^\ 


/• 


>si 


JJJJiJJ]  ■ 


PANELS  OF  HESl 


PLATE  III 


THE    PYRAMIDS  OF  KHEOPS  AND   KHEPHREN  AS  RESTORED 

BY  HOELSCHER 


PLATE   IV 


m:rrmi 


PECTORAL  OF  SESOSTRIS  III  OBVERSE  AND  REVERSE 


THE   FRAMEWORK   OF  HISTORY       33 

great  growth  of  settlements  and  townships  in  Lower  Egypt 
has  led  to  a  more  and  more  systematic  pillage  of  the  ruins 
in  order  to  carry  off  all  the  stones  which  can  be  re-used  for 
building.  The  damp  soil  of  the  Delta  has  destroyed  most 
of  the  objects  confided  to  its  care,  whilst  the  desert  of  Upper 
Egypt  has  preserved  them  almost  intact.  But  alike  in 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  other  causes  of  destruction  and 
disappearance  are  not  lacking.  Even  in  quite  recent  times 
antique  sites  have  been  exploited  as  quarries  :  the  temple 
of  Amenophis  III  at  Elephantine,  for  instance,  which  was 
an  object  of  great  admiration  to  the  savants  of  Napoleon's 
expedition,  was  completely  demolished  a  few  years  later. 
Travellers  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  have 
described  (10)  and  published  in  their  narratives  of  travel 
many  once  important  ruins  which  have  vanished  completely 
to-day. 

When  one  considers  the  countless  wars  and  revolutions 
which  have  devastated  the  country  (to  say  nothing  of  the 
fact  that  under  the  last  dynasties  Egypt  submitted  to  at  least 
two  Ethiopian  invasions,  two  Assyrian,  and  two  Persian), 
and  when  one  recalls  the  systematic  destruction  by  the 
Christians  who  smashed  the  idols  and  the  temples  of  false 
gods,  and  by  the  Arabs  who  mutilated  all  human  figures, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  ravages  caused  by  excavators  of  long 
ago,  one  is  astounded  to  find  that  so  many  Egyptian  monu- 
ments still  remain.  And  as  though  destruction  by  man 
were  not  sufficient,  animals  have  done  their  share  ;  one 
may  instance  the  veritable  invasions  of  white  ants  which 
have  ravaged  the  ancient  cemeteries. 

It  will  now  perhaps  be  convenient  to  draw  up  a  kind 
of  synopsis  of  typical  groups  of  monuments  which  must 
occupy  our  attention,  picking  out  characteristic  examples 
from  each  kind  and  for  different  periods. 

A  monument  of  the  1st  dynasty  in  the  name  of  King 
Narmer  (which  some  would  identify  with  Menes,  the  first 
king  to  unite  the  two  Egypts  under  one  sceptre)  is  known 
as  the  Palette  of  Narmer.  (i  i)  It  displays,  amongst  other 
things,  a  figure  of  the  king  clubbing  a  vanquished  foe  with 
his    mace.     From    this    monument    onwards    the    general 

3 


34  EGYPTIAN  ART 

association  of  ideas  is  fixed,  and  the  same  theme  reappears 
again  and  again  across  the  whole  page  of  Egyptian  history. 
The  same  palette,  by  its  portrayal  of  a  ritual  festival,  makes 
it  possible  for  us  to  trace,  from  the  very  beginning,  the 
complex  of  motives  which  originate  in  the  art  of  this  remote 
epoch.  The  stele  of  the  Serpent  King,  (12)  now  in  the 
Louvre,  is  a  masterpiece  of  execution.  The  falcon  which 
surmounts  the  royal  name  is  rendered  with  incomparable 
precision.  One  wonders  for  how  long  and  with  what 
thoroughness  it  must  have  been  studied  from  nature  before 
it  became  possible  to  seize  with  such  perfection  the  charac- 
teristic form  of  the  bird  and  to  render  the  lines  so  simply 
and  with  so  sure  a  hand  that  all  the  succeeding  ages  should 
find  no  need  to  alter  in  the  smallest  degree  the  outlines  which 
thus  became  fixed  and  unchanging. 

If  we  now  glance  at  the  reliefs  on  the  wooden  panels 
of  Hesi,  in  the  Cairo  Museum,  (13)  which  date  from  the  first 
part  of  the  Ilird  dynasty,  we  shall  find  there,  perfectly 
employed,  the  fundamental  conventions  in  Egyptian  drawing 
of  the  human  figure.  Thus  we  see  that  the  monuments 
of  the  first  dynasties,  rare  as  they  are,  display  a  fully  developed 
art  the  execution  of  which  is  striking  in  its  perfection. 

The  great  necropolis  areas,  which  extend  all  over  the 
plateau  of  the  Libyan  desert  from  Gizeh  to  Meidum  (near 
the  entrance  to  the  Fay(im  oasis),  have  preserved  an  important 
series  of  architectural  monuments  ;  royal  tombs,  generally 
in  the  form  of  pyramids  ;  funerary  temples  of  the  kings, 
adjoining  the  pyramids  themselves  ;  and  the  tombs  of  high 
officials  of  the  type  called  by  archaeologists  "  mastabas." 

To  cite  some  instances  :  the  reconstruction  of  the  temple 
and  pyramid  of  Khephren,  in  a  work  by  Holscher,  (14)  gives 
us  a  general  view  of  the  necropolis  of  Kheops  and  of  Khephren. 
In  the  background  the  great  masses  of  the  pyramids  tower 
above  the  burial  chambers  of  the  kings  ;  on  their  eastern 
faces  the  funerary  temples  stand,  connected  by  a  long  passage 
to  a  kind  of  vestibule  in  the  valley,  at  the  foot  of  the  plateau. 
Numerous  mastabas  are  grouped  around  the  pyramids,  or 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  vestibules  in  the  valley  below. 

The  same  general  arrangement  is  met  with  around  the 


THE   FRAMEWORK   OF  HISTORY       35 

pyramid-temples  of  Abusir,  where  we  shall  find  all  the 
fundamental  principles  of  Egyptian  architecture  in  all  ages 
employed  by  the  architects  of  the  Vth  dynasty,  especially 
the  floral  columns  which  are  the  most  typical  elements  of  this 
architecture. 

The  mastabas,  which  are  massive  rectangular  piles,  appear 
too  as  architectural  complexes  containing  in  embryo  all  the 
fundamental  parts  of  the  sacred  edifice  of  Egypt.  The  walls 
of  the  chambers  within  are  covered  with  bas-reliefs  and 
paintings  ;  in  niches  or  in  recesses  hidden  in  the  masonry 
are  found  numerous  statues  which  furnish  material  for  the 
study  of  sculpture  in  the  round.  To  name  three  examples  : 
The  first  is  a  diorite  mask  in  the  Leipzig  Museum,  repro- 
ducing the  features  of  Khephren.  (15)  Detached  from  the 
statue,  this  fragment  perhaps  gains  somewhat  in  beauty 
and  lifelike  intensity,  separated  as  it  is  from  the  purely 
Egyptian  peculiarities  of  form  which  sometimes  offend  our 
eye.  Next  comes  the  striking  copper  statue  of  Pepi  I, 
mentioned  before  ;  (16)  it  bears  witness  to  a  very  advanced 
knowledge  in  the  rendering  of  anatomical  details.  It  is, 
in  fact,  a  real  masterpiece  in  metal  work.  The  material  of 
which  it  is  made  has  permitted  the  sculptor  to  separate  the 
arms  and  legs  entirely  from  the  trunk  without  having  to 
make  use  of  slots  for  fitting  which  we  find  in  stone  statues. 
The  two  statues  of  Rahotep  and  Nofrit,  found  at  Meidum, 
complete  our  examples  of  the  perfection  of  Egyptian  art 
under  the  Ancient  Empire.  (17) 

Later  ages  may  perhaps  have  produced  more  elegant 
works,  but  they  have  never  succeeded  in  surpassing  the 
Ancient  Empire  in  truth  and  in  fidelity  to  nature.  We 
have  thus  attaching  to  this  epoch  a  sufficiently  numerous 
and  varied  group  of  monuments  to  help  us  to  form  an  idea 
of  the  growth  of  art. 

All  of  a  sudden  everything  seems  to  dwindle  and  dis- 
appear, and  the  few  monuments  of  the  intervening  period 
between  the  Ancient  and  the  New  Empires  are  of  such 
a  kind  as  to  provoke  the  belief  that  some  irremediable 
catastrophe  has  occurred.  The  most  casual  glance  at  the 
Dendereh  stele  of  the  end  of  the  Ancient  Empire  shows  to 


36  EGYPTIAN   ART 

what  depths  of  ugliness  and  coarseness  Egyptian  art  must 
have  lapsed,  at  least  in  Upper  Egypt,  (i  8)  Had  we  not 
precise  information  as  to  date,  one  might  easily  imagine 
that  the  Dendereh  reliefs  are  centuries  older  than  the 
admirable  statues  of  the  Ancient  Empire.  One  can  scarcely 
attribute  this  to  the  clumsiness  of  some  inexperienced  crafts- 
man, of  whom  a  poor  man  had  requisitioned  a  funerary  stele 
in  some  provincial  town.  The  royal  monuments  of  the 
Xlth  dynasty  give  a  scarcely  better  impression,  for  we  find 
the  fragments  of  a  certain  King  Mentuhotep  at  Gebelein, 
reproducing  the  theme  of  the  Narmer  palette,  which  is 
treated  in  a  stiff  and  angular  fashion  without  any  life.  (19) 

But  a  very  short  time  had  to  pass  before  the  kings  of 
the  Xllth  dynasty  had  completely  revived  the  traditions  of 
the  Ancient  Empire.  The  bas-reliefs  of  Sesostris  I  at  Koptos, 
as  well  as  at  Karnak,  show  us  once  more  in  their  conception 
and  execution  the  perfection  of  the  work  of  the  Ancient 
Empire. 

We  know  of  few  great  architectural  monuments  of  the 
Middle  Empire.  Plenty  of  temples  had  fallen  into  ruin 
in  the  course  of  ages,  had  been  restored  (which  generally 
means  rebuilt)  or  enlarged  by  the  sovereigns  of  the  New 
Empire.  A  study,  however,  of  the  great  funerary  temple 
of  the  Xlth  dynasty  at  Deir-el-Bahari,  whose  ruins  give  us 
the  data  necessary  for  such  a  reconstruction,  will  serve  to 
give  a  good  idea  of  the  abilities  of  their  architects. 

A  careful  study  should  be  made  of  a  number  of  inter- 
esting documents  of  the  Middle  Empire  :  the  tombs  of  the 
nomarchs  or  provincial  governors  in  Upper  Egypt,  the 
most  remarkable  of  which  are  at  Beni  Hasan.  The  fa9ade 
of  the  tomb  of  Chnumhotep  II  is  justly  celebrated  for  its 
so-called  proto-Doric  columns,  and  displays  a  standard  of 
beauty  and  simplicity  which  only  the  architects  of  Greece, 
who  came  centuries  later,  were  able  to  surpass.  The  walls 
of  these  same  tombs  present  a  most  interesting  series  of 
reliefs  and  paintings. 

Two  lucky  "  finds  "  of  caskets  containing  royal  jewellery 
at  Dahshur  and  at  Illahun  make  a  welcome  contribution  to 
the  study  of  the  industrial  arts. 


THE  FRAMEWORK  OF  HISTORY       37 

The  New  Empire  will  testify  to  a  fresh  revival  of  all  the 
ancient  traditions,  when  architecture  will  flourish  on  a  majestic 
scale  in  the  temples  of  the  gods  and  of  the  funerary  cult 
Thebes  and  Abydos,  to  name  but  the  two  most  important 
sites,  will  furnish  us  with  ample  material  for  study.  It 
will  suffice  here  to  cite  one  or  two  instances  :  the  colonnade, 
in  classic  style,  of  the  great  temple  of  Queen  Hatshepsut 
at  Deir-el-Bahari  is  certainly  one  of  the  most  amazing  works 
which  Egyptian  architecture  has  bequeathed  to  us.  Only 
the  Cavetto  cornice  which  surmounts  the  entablature  informs 
us  that  we  are  not  in  the  presence  of  a  creation  of  the  classic 
architects  ;  but  the  bas-reliefs  and  the  inscriptions  stand 
there  as  an  irrefutable  proof  against  any  classic  influence, 
and  show  that  the  builders  of  Deir-el-Bahari  lived  a  thousand 
years  before  the  childhood  of  Greek  architecture. 

Luxor  is  a  well-known  name  in  the  history  of  art  :  it 
is  there  that  stand  the  gigantic  piles  to  which  the  greatest 
kings  of  the  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  dynasties  devoted  their 
building  activities.  But  it  is  at  Karnak  that  the  taste  for 
the  colossal  manifests  itself  in  all  its  fullness.  The  hypostyle 
hall,  so  vast  that  it  could  contain  the  whole  of  the  structure 
of  the  cathedral  of  Notre  Dame  at  Paris,  has  its  roof  upheld 
by  134  columns,  of  which  the  highest  are  as  massive  as  the 
Vendome  Column. 

The  famous  temple  at  Abu-Simbel,  which  is  entirely 
excavated  out  of  the  living  rock,  with  its  colossal  statues 
fifty  feet  high,  is  a  worthy  architectural  fellow  to  the  temple 
of  Karnak. 

In  the  XXth  dynasty  the  imposing  mass  of  Medinet 
Habu,  raised  to  the  glory  of  Ramesses  III,  bears  eloquent 
testimony  that  the  greatest  traditions  were  still  flourishing 
at  that  time. 

The  hosts  of  New  Empire  tombs  at  Thebes  and  Tell-el- 
Amarna  furnish  us  with  types  of  quite  a  long  series  of 
architectural  styles.  In  some  cases  the  sand  has  so  acted 
as  a  preservative  that  we  can  find  the  structures  almost  in 
the  state  in  which  the  Egyptians  left  them  :  such,  for  example, 
is  the  case  of  the  central  bay  of  the  tomb  of  Ay  at  Tell-el- 
Amarna.  (20) 


38  EGYPTIAN   ART 

The  temples,  as  well  as  the  tombs,  have  handed  down 
to  us  countless  statues,  both  of  royal  and  of  private  persons, 
of  all  sizes,  from  huge  colossi  down  to  delicate  little  statuettes, 
and  in  every  kind  of  material,  displaying  a  surprising  variety 
of  different  attitudes  and  forms. 

It  will  suffice  for  the  moment  to  Instance  one  of  the 
masterpieces  of  sculpture  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty  :  the 
Karnak  statue  of  Tuthmosis  III,  (21)  or  the  statue  of 
Ramesses  II,  presenting  a  table  of  offerings,  (22)  which  is 
at  once  one  of  the  most  lifelike  and  free  productions  of 
Egyptian  art. 

The  court  of  Ramesses  II  at  Luxor,  with  its  great  statues 
set  up  under  the  porticoes,  proves  that  in  spite  of  technical 
difficulties  the  kings  did  not  shrink  from  the  employment 
of  colossi  on  a  large  scale. 

As  a  specimen  of  a  private  statue,  I  will  mention  a 
handsome  group  in  the  Cairo  Museum,  portraying  two  persons 
a  man  and  a  women  :  Zai  and  Nal  of  the  XlXth  dynasty.  (23) 
It  is  a  graceful  and  fine  piece  of  work,  and  is  the  type  specimen 
of  a  whole  class  of  sculptures. 

In  the  midst  of  the  New  Empire,  at  the  end  of  the 
XVIIIth  dynasty,  we  must  assign  a  special  place  to  the 
monuments  which  are  associated  with  the  name  of  Amen- 
ophis  IV.  This  strange  Pharaoh,  the  religious  and  political 
reformer,  has  set  his  mark  upon  all  the  artistic  productions 
of  his  time.  The  merest  glance  at  the  most  exquisite  piece 
of  the  series,  the  head  of  the  queen  in  Berlin  Museum,  (24) 
reveals  to  the  beholder  an  aspect  of  Egyptian  art  widely 
different  from  all  else  connected  with  the  ordinary  acceptance 
of  the  term. 

As  may  well  be  imagined,  the  walls  of  the  temples  and 
tombs  of  the  New  Empire  have  provided  an  incredible 
number  of  bas-reliefs,  paintings  and  drawings.  We  may 
cite  a  single  sketch  in  the  tomb  of  Ramose  at  Thebes,  where 
the  artist  has  depicted  In  a  group  the  characteristic  features 
of  the  races  bordering  upon  Egypt  with  a  precision  which 
the  most  critical  eye  would  find  it  difficult  to  find  fault 
with.  (25) 

The  wealth  of  Egypt  at  this  time  did  not  fail  to  give 


THE  FRAMEWORK  OF  HISTORY       39 

a  great  stimulus  to  the  Industrial  arts  :  thus  the  tombs  have 
preserved  for  us  a  number  of  pieces  of  the  highest  order, 
especially  furniture.  Fancy  articles  are  known,  as  regards 
the  New  Empire,  In  richer  abundance  than  at  any  other 
period.  Can  one  imagine  any  object  more  truly  artistic 
in  its  composition  than  the  unguent-holder  In  the  Liverpool 
Museum,  which  Is  made  In  the  form  of  a  statuette  of  a  slave, 
bearing  upon  his  shoulder  a  large  vase  ?  (26)  The  same 
monf  is  used,  with  suitable  modifications.  In  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  wooden  unguent-spoons  in  the  Louvre.  (27) 

After  this  spell  of  great  abundance  In  the  New  Empire, 
we  find  ourselves  almost  entirely  unprovided  with  docu- 
ments for  the  next  few  centuries.  The  XXIst  to  the 
XXIVth  dynasties  have  left  little  by  way  of  archi- 
tecture ;  but  as  to  sculpture  the  discovery  of  a  hoard  at 
Karnak  has  supplied  us  with  an  extensive  series  of  statues 
of  the  chief  members  of  the  priestly  families.  These  works 
are  Interesting  certainly,  but  they  display  no  particular 
characteristics. 

We  may  mention  several  statues  of  the  Ethiopian  XXVth 
dynasty,  as,  for  Instance,  those  of  Mentuemhat,  who  was 
governor  of  Thebes  at  the  time  of  the  Assyrian 
invasion.  (28) 

Of  the  Saite  Empire  (XXVIth  and  following  dynasties) 
scarcely  anything  has  survived.  Certain  statues  and  reliefs, 
however,  are  sufficient  to  testify  to  a  renaissance,  and  that 
once  more  the  Egyptians  are  drawing  their  inspiration  from 
the  most  ancient  models.  In  architecture,  one  building, 
the  Kiosk  of  Nectanebo  In  the  island  of  Philae,  Is  the  intro- 
duction to  the  long  series  of  Grasco-Roman  monuments. 
The  Ptolemies,  and  then  the  Emperors,  did.  In  fact,  raise 
important  buildings  In  different  parts  of  Egypt,  which  are 
quite  enough  to  show  how  much  vitality  the  ancient  art  of 
the  Pharaohs  still  possessed  In  their  day,  and  In  this  con- 
nection it  is  sufficient  to  cite  the  well-known  names  of  Philae, 
Edfu  and  Dendereh.  There  we  shall  find  buildings  almost 
intact  In  some  parts,  and  the  study  of  these  makes  it  possible 
for  us  to  restore,  at  least  In  spirit,  the  great  ruins  of  the 
preceding  ages.     When  one  paces  the  pathway  around  the 


40  EGYPTIAN   ART 

temple  of  Edfu,  or  wanders  among  the  columns  of  the 
hypostyle  hall  at  Dendereh,  one  might  easily  be  tempted 
to  imagine  that  time  had  stopped  for  hundreds  of  years,  and 
that  one  would  see,  without  much  surprise,  the  Egyptian 
priests,  with  their  white  robes  and  close-shaven  heads,  sally 
forth  from  one  or  other  of  the  chambers. 

The  bas-reliefs,  of  almost  infinite  extent,  show  us  the 
Greek  dynasts  or  the  Roman  Emperors  doing  their  best  to 
look  like  the  native  Pharaohs,  their  far-off  predecessors. 
The  execution  has  unfortunately  fallen  short  of  its  intentions, 
and  sculpture  in  relief,  as  opposed  to  architecture,  betrays 
the  imminent  decline  into  which  Egyptian  art  was  soon  to 
lapse. 

Such  is  the  general  outline  of  the  groups  of  Egyptian 
documents  which  must  serve  as  the  basis  of  art-study  ;  but 
up  to  the  present  we  have  as  yet  not  spoken  of  dates,  and 
it  is  now  time  that  we  should  devote  a  few  words  to  the 
complex  question  of  Egyptian  chronology. 

Years  were  reckoned  according  to  the  reigns  of  the 
kings,  and  to  restore  actual  dates  we  should  have,  theoreti- 
cally, a  complete  catalogue  of  sovereigns  and  the  highest 
years  of  each  of  their  reigns.  Such,  however,  is  far  from 
being  the  case. 

One  resource  at  our  disposal  is  to  consult  the  synchron- 
isms of  Egyptian  history  with  those  of  neighbouring  peoples  : 
Greeks,  Persians,  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  ;  another 
resource  is  furnished  by  the  Bible.  It  is  thus  that  we  can 
affirm  that  Psammetik  I,  of  the  XXVIth  dynasty,  ascended 
the  throne  towards  662  ;  that  Seshork  I  (Sishak),  of  the 
XXIInd  dynasty,  pillaged  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  in 
the  reign  of  Rehoboam  in  928  ;  that  Amenophis  IV,  of 
the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  was  a  contemporary  of  King  Burna- 
buriash   II  of  Babylon,  who  reigned  about  1400. 

Sometimes  the  Egyptian  texts  furnish  astronomical  dates 
calculated  by  the  rising  of  Sirius  (Sothis).  These  astro- 
nomical dates  are  founded  on  the  following  facts  :  In  theory 
the  first  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  Inundation — that  is 
to  say,  the  beginning  of  the  inundation,  which  at  Memphis 
took  place  on  July  19th — coincided  with  the  rising  of  Sirius. 


PLATE  V 


PORTICO  OF  THE  TOMB  OF  CHNUMHOTEP  II  AT  BENI-HASAN 


PLATE  VIII 


ARM  CHAIR  OF  THE   XVIIIth  DYNASTY 


THE   FRAMEWORK   OF  HISTORY       41 

But  the  ordinary  Egyptian  year,  which  consisted  of  twelve 
months  of  thirty  days  each,  plus  five  supplementary  days 
(called  the  Epagomcnal  Days),  proved  to  be  shorter,  by  a 
quarter  of  a  day,  than  the  astronomical  year.  There  was 
thus  a  difference  of  one  day  in  every  four  years,  and  the 
rising  of  Sirius  fell  one  day  earlier  than  the  four  years  before. 
There  was  therefore  a  wait  of  1,460  years  before  the  coinci- 
dence recurred.  In  other  words,  1,460  astronomical  years 
were  equal  to  1,461  civil  years. 

Ptolemy  II  Euergetes,  by  the  Decree  of  Canopus,  ordered 
the  introduction  of  a  supplementary  day  every  four  years  ; 
but  this  reform  was  not  followed  till  the  time  of  Augustus, 
who  introduced  the  Julian  year. 

When  a  king  of  Egypt  said,  in  an  inscription,  that  on 
such  a  day  of  such  a  month  the  rising  of  Sirius  was  celebrated, 
it  is  possible  to  calculate  by  the  difference  between  this 
date  and  the  beginning  of  the  year  the  exact  point  in  the 
astronomical  cycle  at  which  the  inscription  was  drawn  up. 
By  such  means  a  deduction  has  been  made,  from  a  date  in 
the  Ebers  papyrus,  as  to  the  ninth  year  of  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty  King  Amenophis  I,  which  would  have  fallen  between 
1550  and  1546  B.C.  An  inscription  from  Elephantine  proves 
that  a  year,  not  determined,  of  Tuthmosis  III  of  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty,  fell  between  1474  and  1470.  In  the  same  way 
it  seems  to  follow  from  an  indication  in  a  papyrus  from 
Kahun  that  the  seventh  year  of  Sesostris  III  of  the 
Xllth  dynasty  must  have  fallen  between  1882  and 
1878   B.C. 

But  here  we  stumble  upon  a  difficulty  which  would  seem 
insurmountable  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  : 
there  is  an  irreconcilable  lack  of  harmony  between  the 
astronomical  dates  of  the  XVIIIth  and  Xllth  dynasties,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  royal  monuments  which  should  be 
placed  between  these  two  dates  on  the  other  hand.  Thus, 
if  the  Xllth  dynasty  ended  towards  1790  and  the  XVIIIth 
began  about  1570  B.C.,  the  space  between  the  two  would 
be  only  220  years.  Now  we  already  know  of  more  than  a 
hundred  kings,  mentioned  on  the  monuments  or  papyri, 
while  new  names  have  again  recently  emerged,  and,  according 


42 


EGYPTIAN  ART 


to  the  fragments  of  the  Turin  papyrus,  one  is  forced  to 
conclude  that  there  reigned,  within  this  space  of  time,  from 
1 60  to  200  kings.  (29) 

It  has  been  proposed,  in  order  to  solve  this  difficulty, 
to  add  another  Sothic  period,  and  to  add,  accordingly,  1,460 
years  to  the  date  1790,  which  would  place  the  end  of  the 
Xllth  dynasty  at  3,250  b.c.  This  system  moves  the  Midde 
Empire  back  to  the  region  of  the  date  which  was  generally 
accepted,  until,  in  consequence  of  the  discovery  of  the  Kahun 
papyri,  some  scholars  contrived  to  shorten  Ancient  Egyptian 
chronology  excessively. 

The  following  short  table  gives  the  dates  proposed  for 
various  dynasties  by  Meyer  in  1904-8  ;  Sethe  in  1905  ; 
Breasted  in  1906  ;  Petrie  in  1906  ;  and  Borchardt  in 
1917.(30)  In  the  last  column  are  placed  the  approximate 
dates  which  will  serve  for  all  practical  purposes  in  these 
studies. 


Dynasty. 

Meyer. 

Sethe 

Breasted. 

Petrie.  1 

Borchardt. 

I 

IV 

3315 
2840 

3360 
2720 

3400 
2900 

5510 
4731 

4186 
3430 

About  5000 

About  4000  Ancient  Em- 

XII 

2000 

2000 

2000 

3459 

1996/5 

pire 
About  3000  Middle  Em- 

XVIII 

1580 

1580 

1580 

-1993/2 

pire 
About  1500  New  Empire 

XIX 
XXII 

I32I 

1350 

1322 

About  1000 

XXVI 
Conquest 

of  Ales 

ander 

Vllth  century 
332 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1.  Sethe,  K.,  in  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grabdetikmal  des  Konigs  Sa'hure\ 
t.  ii.,  die  Wandbilder  {Wissenschaftliche  Veroffentlic hung  der  deutsc hen  Orient- 
Geselhchaft  26),  Text,  p.  14.     Leipzig,  191 3. 

2.  Schafer,  H.,  Ein  Bruchstuck  altdgyptischer  Annalen,  in  the  Abhand- 
lungen  der preussiche  Akademie  der  Wissenchaften,  1902,  Anhang.    Berlin,i902, 

Gauthier,  H.,  Quatre  nouveaux  fragments  de  la  Pierre  de  Palerme,  in  Le 
Musie  igyptien,  t.  iii.,  2,  Le  Caire,  191  5,  pp.  29-53,  pi.  24-31. 


'  Petrie  in  191 1  fixed  the  reign  of  Menes,  the  first  king  of  the  1st  dynasty, 
at  5546. 


THE  FRAMEWORK  OF  HISTORY       43 

3.  Meyer,  E.,  Chronologie  ^gyptientte,  traduit  par  A.  Moret,  in  the  AnnaUi 
Ju  Musie  Guimet,  Bibliotheque  d'£tudes,  t.  iiiv.,  2,  pp.  147  fF. 

4.  Ibid.,  pp.  143  fF. 

5.  Ibid.,  pp.  looff. 

6.  See  for  example  E.  de  Roug^,  Recherches  sur  les  monuments  qu^on  pent 
atiribuer  aux  six  premieres  dynasties  de  Manithon,  in  the  M^moires  de  I'Jcad^mie 
des  Incriptions  et  Belles-Lettres,  t.  ixv.,  2,  1866;  reprinted  in  E.  de  Roug^, 
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8  plates. 

7.  Griffith,  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  nth  edition,  s.v,  Egypt,  p.  41  b. 

8.  Wiedemann,  A.,  Aegyptische  Geschichte.  Gotha,  1884;  Supplement. 
1888. 

Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  A  History  of  Egypt.    London,  Methuen,  various  editions. 

9.  Maspero,  G.,  T/ie  Dawn  of  Civilisation,  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations, 
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Meyer,  E.,  Geschichte  des  Altertums,  3rd  edition,   191 3. 

Breasted,  J.  H.,  A  History  of  Egypt  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Persian 
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the  Ancient  Egyptians.     London,  191 8. 

10.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  The  Temple  of  Erment  as  it  was  in  1850,  in  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology,  t.  27,  1905,  p.  100  and  plate, 

11.  Capart,  J.,  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt,  figs.  183  and  184. 

12.  Ben^dite,  G.,  La  Stele  dite  du  roi  Serpent,  in  the  Monuments  Piot,  t.  lii., 

1905,  pi.  L 

13.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  The  Tomb  of  Hesy  (^Excavations  at  Saqqara,  1911-12). 
Cairo,  191 3. 

14.  Holscher,  U.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  KSnigs  Chephren.  Leipzig,  191 2, 
pi.  L 

1 5.  Bor chard t,  L.,  in  Holscher,  U.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Chephren, 
Leipzig,  191 2,  pi.  XVL 

16.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  and  Green,  F.  W.,  Hierakonpolis  II.  London,  1902, 
pis,  L-LIL 

17.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  XVL 

18.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Dendereh,  London,  1900,  pi.  XI,  the  stelae  of  Nekhtu 
and  of  Hennu,  now  in  the  Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford. 

19.  Bissing,  Fr.  W.,  Denkmdler  dgyptischer  Sculptur.  Munich,  1906, 
pi.  3  3 J. 

20.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El  Amarna,  Part  VL  London, 
1908,  pi.  XXXVIL 

21.  Legrain,  G.,  Statues  et  statuettes  de  rois  et  de  particuliers,  t.  i.,  Cairo, 

1906,  pi.  XXIX-XXX. 

22.  Legrain,  G.,  ibid.,  t.  ii.,  Cairo,  1909,  pi,  IV. 

23.  Maspero,  G.,  Le  Mus/e  ^gyptien,  t.  ii.,  i.  Le  Caire,  1904,  pi.  VL 

24.  Fechheimer,  H.,  Die  Plastik  der  Aegypter.     Berlin,  1920,  pi.  79-80. 

25.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  fArt  Egyptien.    Paris,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  IV. 

26.  Capart,  J.,  Figurine  ^gyptienne  en  bois  au  Musie  de  Liverpool,  in  the 
Revue  archiologique,  1907,  t.  ii.,  pi,  371. 

27.__Maspero,  G.,  Essais  sur  I' Art  Egyptien,  Paris,  1912,  fig.  82,  p,  245. 


44  EGYPTIAN    ART 

28.  Legrain,  G.,  Statues  et  statuettes  de  rots  et  de  particuiiers,  t.  iii.  Cairo^ 
1914,  Nos.  42236  to  42241  and  pi.  XLIV-XLVIII ;  Wreszinski,  W.,  Eine 
Statue  des  Monthemhet,  in  the  Orientalistische  Literaturzeiiung,  t.  19,  19 16, 
col.   ro-i8,  with  3  plates. 

29.  Griffith,  F.  LI.,  Encyclopedia  Britann'ica,  s,  v.  Egypt,  p.  79. 

30.  Borchardt,  L.,  Die  Annalen  und  die  zeitliche  Festlegung  des  alten 
Reic/ies  der  dgyptischen  Geschichte.     Berlin,   1917. 


CHAPTER    III 
PRIMITIVE   UPPER   EGYPT 

THE  previous  chapter  has  given  us  a  glimpse  of  some 
of  the  highest  points  reached  by  Egyptian  art  in 
the  course  of  its  history,  and  we  must  now  survey 
the  most  humble  and  most  rudimentary  efforts  handed 
down  to  us  through  the  burials  of  archaic  times,  (i) 

About  twenty-five  years  ago  Petrie  found  the  first  tombs 
of  a  special  type  which  was  a  puzzle  to  archaeologists.  These 
tombs  took  the  form  of  a  more  or  less  regular  trench  dug 
in  the  desert  in  which  the  body  was  laid  in  a  position  different 
from  anything  previously  known  to  Egyptian  funereal 
archaeology.  Beside  the  corpse  were  arrayed  an  abundance 
of  objects  which  conformed  to  no  known  type.  There 
was  some  hesitation  in  assigning  these  burials  to  any  definite 
period  of  Egyptian  history  until  it  was  recognised,  when 
further  documents  came  to  light,  that  they  could  be  designated 
as  the  very  earliest  tombs  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Nile 
Valley. 

Let  us  now  examine  a  few  types.     In  one,  the  body, 

in  a  contracted  attitude,  with  the  knees  drawn   up  to  the 

chest  and  the  hands   bent  over  the  face,  was  wrapped  in 

matting  and  laid  in  a  cavity  more  or  less  oval  in  shape.  (2) 

In  another,  the  trench  is  rectangular,  the  body  is  lying  in 

the  usual  manner  on  its  left  side  in  the  attitude  just  described, 

and  all  around  it  are  vases  of  various  types  intended  to  contain 

funereal   food.  (3)     Sometimes   the   body,   the   flesh   having 

previously  been  removed,  is  placed  in  a  coffin  of  burnt  clay, 

in  which  likewise  are  found  the  various  objects  which  made 

up   the    funerary    gear.  (4)     The    pottery    coffin,    or    chest, 

sometimes  fills  only  a  part  of  the  trench  ;    in  such  cases 

45 


46  EGYPTIAN  ART 

the  gear  is  arranged  partly  within  the  chest  and  partly  outside 
it.  (5)  The  trench,  which  in  other  cases  reaches  considerable 
size,  is  divided  into  a  number  of  compartments,  the  greatest 
being  the  funereal  chamber  proper,  the  others  forming  a 
kind  of  repository  for  the  burial  objects  and  for  offerings.  (6) 

The  determination  of  the  epoch  to  which  these  tombs 
are  assignable  being  generally  admitted,  it  remained  to 
attempt  a  classification  of  them  in  chronological  succession. 
Professor  Petrie,  in  his  memoir  on  Diospolis,  was  able, 
thanks  to  the  abundance  of  the  material  he  found  and  to 
the  minute  care  with  which  excavation  was  conducted,  to 
draw  up  a  chronological  basis  for  these  primitive  tombs. 

He  distinguished  a  certain  number  of  trenches,  marked 
by  the  numbers  30  to  80,  which  he  called  *'  Sequence  Dates." 
(The  numbers  below  30  were  reserved  for  the  discovery  of 
burials  still  more  ancient.) 

The  general  development  of  the  civilisation  revealed  by 
this  study  showed  that  two  periods  could  be  distinguished. 
This  resulted  mainly  from  the  analysis  of  the  pottery,  which 
was,  as  we  have  seen,  particularly  abundant,  and  provided 
a  whole  series  of  distinct  varieties.  The  first  period  is 
characterised  by  pottery  with  a  red  ground,  whilst  the  second 
is  chiefly  marked  by  pottery  with  a  light  ground. 

Red  Ground. — The  colouring  is  obtained  by  a  coating 
of  haematite,  which  gives  in  the  baking  a  fairly  vivid  red. 
A  distinction  must  be  made  between  the  vases  called  "  black- 
topped  "  (that  is  to  say,  those  whose  upper  parts  are  black) 
and  "  red-polished "  (vases  with  a  polished  red  surface). 
The  black  colouring  of  the  edges  is  produced  by  the  reduction 
of  hasmatite  under  the  influence  of  oxide  of  carbon,  released 
by  the  partial  combustion  of  wood  In  the  course  of  the 
baking.  Petrie  has  named  the  red  vases  decorated  with 
markings  of  white  **  cross-lined,"  and  these  are  characterised 
mainly  by  designs  In  intersecting  white  lines. 

Light  Ground, — In  this  second  category  are  included 
the  vases  called  "  wavy-handled,"  *'  decorated,"  **  late  " 
and  "  rough-faced."  The  first  mentioned  derive  their  name 
from  the  attachment  fixed  by  the  potter  to  the  body  of  the 
vase  about  its  widest  part  in  the  form  of  a  wavy  strip  of 


PRIMITIVE  UPPER   EGYPT 


47 


clay,  with  the  object  of  holding  the  cordwork  from  which 
the  vessel  was  suspended.  The  vases  of  this  order  have 
different  shapes,  passing  from  a  globular  type  with  a  wide 
body  to  a  perfectly  cylindrical  type.  The  more  the  vase 
approximates  the  cylinder,  the  more  the  wavy  handle  tends 
to  encircle  the  body  completely,  until  in  the  totally  cylindrical 
type  the  zigzag  line  completely  encircles  it. 

The  "decorated  "  pots  bear  on  their  surfaces  paintings 
in  red  or  brown  colours,  of  which  some  imitate  basket-work, 
whilst  others  represent  different  subjects  to  which  we  shall 
come  later  on. 

The  "  late "  vases  show  an  even  surface,  whilst  the 
**  rough-faced  "  have,  as  the  name  implies,  a  rugged  ground 
and  are  made  of  coarser  material. 

Petrie  drew  up  a  fundamental  series  of  vases  of  the  most 
frequent  types  at  different  periods  of  the  primitive  epoch. 
This  classification  is  based  upon  the  appearance,  develop- 
ment, and  disappearance  of  various  types,  as  well  as  upon 
the  relative  number  of  different  types  in  one  and  the  same 
tomb.  If  one  reduces  a  characteristic  plate  in  Petrie's 
Diospolis  (Plate  II)  to  the  form  of  a  chart,  the  following 
result  is  obtained  : — 


Type. 

3°. 

31-4. 

35-42. 

43-50- 

51-62. 

63-71- 

72-80. 

First  Group  Red — 
Black-topped 
Red 
Cross-lined . 

Second  Group  Light — 
Wavy 

Decorated  .  ^^ 
Late            .  ^     . 
Rough        .  ^     . 

5 
I 

3 
3 
2 

3 
4 

I 

2 

I 
4 

I 
3 
3 

2 

I 
6 

2 

4 

I 

At  sequence  date  30  the  table  shows  five  black-edged 
vases  to  one  red-polished.  At  sequence  date  31—4,  for 
three  black-edged  vases  there  are  three  red-polished  and 
two    cross-lined.     The    black-topped    are    still    represented 


48  EGYPTIAN   ART 

by  three  specimens  at  sequence  date  35-42,  by  two  at 
sequence  date  43-50,  after  which  they  disappear.  The 
wavy-handled  series  is  arranged  beginning  with  globular 
and  ending  with  cylindrical  vases.  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  wavy-handled  vases  are  rather  rarer  with  the  black- 
topped  group,  while  they  are  more  frequent  with  all  the 
other  categories  of  the  second  group,  and  furnish  thus  a 
dividing  line  between  the  two.  Discoveries  on  sites  of  the 
earliest  dynasties  conform  to  this  arrangement,  showing  as 
they  do  that  the  cylindrical  vases  (which  are  derived  from 
the  wavy-handled)  persist  into  the  historic  period,  whilst 
the  black-bordered  red  pottery  completely  die  out  (subject 
to  a  reservation  to  which  we  shall  refer  later  on).  It  can 
be  shown  that  the  point  of  contact  of  the  1st  dynasty  with 
the  system  of  sequence  dates  falls  somewhere  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  sequence  date  75.  (7) 

The  results  thus  arrived  at  by  Petrie  have  been  confirmed 
by  the  various  excavations  carried  out  in  recent  years  by 
different  explorers.  Never — when  sufficient  attention  has 
been  paid  to  minute  details — has  the  general  framework 
established  by  the  English  excavator  been  broken  down 
by  the  excavations  of  the  American  Reisner  at  Naga-ed- 
Derr,  or  the  Austrian  Junker  at  Tourah,  or  the  German 
Moller  at  Abusir-el-Meleq.  Never  has  a  tomb  yielding  an 
assortment  of  pottery  controverted  the  table  set  out  above. 

It  thus  becomes  certain  that  the  tombs  discovered  in 
Upper  Egypt  belonging  to  the  primitive  period  fall  into 
two  groups,  distinguished  principally  by  their  pottery. 

In  recent  years,  consequent  upon  the  operations  of 
raising  the  Assuan  barrage,  the  Egyptian  Government 
decided  to  have  explorations  made  over  all  the  Nubian 
burial-grounds  before  they  had  to  be  submerged.  The 
discoveries  which  resulted  from  these  excavations  have  been 
most  important  from  the  point  of  view  of  augmenting  our 
knowledge  of  the  primitive  period.  (8) 

In  Nubia  also  two  periods  are  recognisable,  the  first 
offering  complete  identity  with  the  first  period  of  Upper 
Egypt.  On  both  sides  the  same  civilisation  is  manifested 
by  the  objects  from  the  tombs,  nor  is  there  evidence  of  any 


PLATE  IX 


GARGOYLES  IN  THE  WALL  OF  THE  TEMPLE 
OF  HORUS  AT  EDFU 


PLATE  X 


:==5*4» ■" 


~N^^&.SJ^^V 


THE  ROYAL  TOMB  OF  NAQADA  AS  RP:STOKED 
BY  DE  MORGAN 


PRIMITIVE  UPPER   EGYPT  49 

type  which  might  be  called  distinctively  Nubian.  As 
regards  the  second  period,  it  is  noticeable  that  there  is  a 
persistence  of  primitive  types  which  had  disappeared  in 
Egypt  :  the  forms  change,  but  the  genres  survive.  The 
vases  of  the  second  Egyptian  period,  particularly  the  wavy- 
handled,  as  well  as  the  decorated,  appear  but  in  small  quan- 
tities in  the  Nubian  tombs,  as  if  the  centre  from  which  these 
varieties  of  pottery  radiate  were  more  remote  in  Nubia  than 
in  Upper  Egypt.  Under  the  Ancient  Empire  the  Pharaonic 
civilisation  of  Egypt  does  not  make  itself  apparent  in  any 
marked  degree  beyond  the  First  Cataract  ;  and  naturally 
the  burials  continue  to  yield  objects  of  a  type  quite  of  their 
own  and  derived  from  primitive  models.  If,  then,  there  is 
disappearance  in  Upper  Egypt,  there  is  also  survival  in 
Nubia,  and  this  survival  accounts  for  sporadic  reappearance 
of  vases  of  Nubian  type  in  Egypt  which  recall  the  produc- 
tions of  the  primitive  period.  This  explains  how  it  is  that 
Maspero  found,  at  El-Khizam,  black-topped  red  vases 
under  a  Vlth  dynasty  stele  :  and  it  explains  also  the  find- 
ing of  Nubian  pottery  in  the  tombs  called  pan  graves  at 
Diospolis,  etc. 

Reisner's  recent  excavations  at  Kerma  in  the  Sudan 
have  likewise  shown  the  existence  of  red  pottery  with  black 
tops  of  wonderful  perfection.  Several  specimens  have  been 
previously  found  in  Egypt,  at  Abydos,  Kurna,  etc.,  but  it 
has  not  been  known  to  what  centre  of  manufacture  to  rele- 
gate them.  The  Meroitic  pottery  of  Ethiopian  times  shows 
the  late  survival  of  the  pottery  of  the  most  ancient  period 
of  Upper  Egypt. 

Primitive  civilisation  ebbed  from  north  to  south,  following 
the  course  of  the  Nile.  The  information  gained  from  these 
remarks  enables  us  to  say  that  the  second  period  in  Upper 
Egypt  shows  the  influence  of  contact  with  a  neighbouring 
civilisation  which  we  naturally  look  for  in  Lower  Egypt. 

But  there  is  not  only  the  pottery  of  the  tombs  to  con- 
sider ;  other  objects  must  claim  attention.  We  will  mention 
first  of  all  the  hard  stone  vases  which  constitute  one  of  the 
most  surprising  industries  of  the  inhabitants  of  Upper 
Egypt.     The  material  was  everywhere  ready  to  hand,  but  it 

4 


50  EGYPTIAN   ART 

would  seem  that,  attracted  by  the  difficulty  of  the  task, 
they  set  themselves  generally  to  carve  the  very  rocks  which 
offered  the  greatest  resistance  with  an  accuracy  which  is 
simply  astounding.  Without  entering  into  a  special  study 
of  this  category  of  objects,  two  observations  must,  however, 
be  made.  Several  of  the  most  frequent  types  are  copies  of 
the  pottery  vases  of  the  second  period,  globular  pots  with 
cylindrical  handles,  a  form  only  really  necessary  in  the  case 
of  mud-made  vessels,  for  a  cylindrical  handle  of  stone  is 
very  difficult  to  work,  and  is,  moreover,  useless,  for  there 
is  no  fear  that  the  suspending  cord  would  cut  through  the 
granite  by  rubbing  ;  in  the  earthenware,  on  the  contrary, 
a  wide  cylindrical  handle  is  the  guarantee  of  long  use  of  a 
vessel.  The  second  observation  to  be  made  is  that,  from 
the  time  of  the  first  dynasties,  if  stone  vases  continued  to 
be  made,  the  hardest  rocks  would  be  abandoned  little  by 
little  in  favour  of  softer  materials,  particularly  alabaster. 
The  Egyptians  of  the  earliest  dynasties  possessed  beautiful 
vases  made  of  metal,  the  use  of  which  supplanted  that  of 
stoneware,  which  was  finally  abandoned. 

Much  the  same  happened  in  the  case  of  working  in  flint. 
The  tombs  of  primitive  times  furnish  admirable  flint  knives, 
worked  with  really  astounding  dexterity.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  second  period  these  beautiful  flakes  suddenly 
give  place  to  much  coarser  productions,  (9)  some  of  which 
are  palpable  imitations  of  metal  implements,  as  for  instance 
knives  with  handles.  (10)  The  explanation  is  not  far  to 
seek  :  a  new  industry,  coming  from  without,  had  lowered 
the  value  of  the  masterpieces  made  of  a  material  which 
would  henceforth  serve  only  the  needs, of  the  lower  orders 
of  the  population. 

So  far  we  have  confined  our  attention  to  the  products 
of  the  industrial  arts,  but  the  burials  have  also  yielded  objects 
which  enable  us  to  form  an  idea  of  the  capacity  of  the  primi- 
tive races  in  sculpture  and  draughtsmanship. 

In  several  tombs  the  presence  of  modelled  figures  has 
been  made  known  :  these  are  rude  attempts  to  render,  in 
clay  or  bone,  the  human  form,  and  may  be  compared,  for 
instance,  with  two  female  figurines  in  the  collections  of  the 


PRIMITIVE  UPPER   EGYPT  51 

Brussels  Museum.  One  is  armless,  the  arms  being  reduced 
to  mere  stumps  ;  the  other  has  both  arms,  which  end  in 
bird's  claws  and  are  raised  above  the  head  in  an  attitude 
of  dancing  or  of  lamentation.  The  shape  of  the  body  is 
clumsily  rendered  :  the  feet  are  lacking  and  the  head  resembles 
that  of  a  bird,  perhaps  in  the  attempt  to  portray  a  woman 
carrying  her  head  high  in  the  air  with  the  chin  thrust  for- 
ward. We  may  mention  too,  from  the  same  museum,  two 
hippopotamus  teeth  :  the  upper  part  is  carved  to  represent  a 
bearded  head.  The  work  here  is  rather  better,  and  one  might 
even  allow  for  it  a  certain  dexterity  in  rendering  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  race.  Sometimes  animal  figures  are  found — 
oxen,  cows,  sheep  or  hippopotami,  wrought  in  different 
materials.  Finally,  boats  fitted  up  with  their  equipment 
have  been  discovered,  and  even,  in  one  case,  a  model  of  a 
house  with  clay  walls.  (11) 

All  this  is  very  rudimentary,  but  nevertheless  extremely 
interesting  in  showing  that  the  primitive  inhabitants  of 
Upper  Egypt  had  funerary  rites  bearing  great  analogy  with 
those  of  the  Pharaonic  Egyptians.  The  dead  man  desired 
to  have  in  his  tomb,  ready  at  hand,  not  only  funerary  offerings, 
but  model  dwellings,  boats,  little  models  of  cattle,  and  even 
of  slaves,  both  male  and  female.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
affirm  summarily  that  there  was  simply  an  analogy  derived 
from  similar  animistic  conceptions.  Would  it  not  be  better 
to  consider  the  hypothesis  of  one  civilisation  borrowing 
from  another  ? 

We  may  also  note,  in  passing,  various  objects  of  clothing 
or  attire  :  these  are  the  combs  decorated  on  the  upper  border 
with  figures  of  antelopes  or  birds,  spoons  with  handles  made 
up  of  little  carved  animals,  such  as  a  lion  chasing  a  dog. 

Drawing  and  painting  are  known  to  us  chiefly  from 
the  decorated  pottery  mentioned  above.  The  mosL  frequent 
design  is  a  fairly  complex  contrivance  formed  by  a  double 
line  curved  in  the  shape  of  a  bowl,  with  numerous  strokes 
on  the  lower  part,  two  little  constructions  above  and  towards 
the  middle,  and  two  kinds  of  banners.  Some  would  see 
in  these  designs  representations  of  villages,  but  the  majority 
of  archaeologists  consider  them  to  be  boats.  (12)     The  two 


52  EGYPTIAN  ART 

incurved  lines  constitute  the  hull,  the  little  strokes  below 
are  the  oars,  and  the  constructions  within  are  the  cabins. 
One  plate  published  by  Petrie(i3)  collects  together  the 
greater  number  of  fundamental  types.  On  the  first  line 
two  rows  of  birds,  flamingos  or  ostriches,  alternate  with 
two  boats.  Above  the  second  are  two  antelopes.  On  the 
second  line  we  find  the  birds  and  boats  and  a  crocodile. 
The  third  line  shows,  both  above  and  below  the  boats,  a 
series  of  triangles,  in  which  we  recognise  mountains.  Further 
on  we  have  a  series  of  mountains,  two  large  boats  separated 
by  a  plant  on  each  side  of  which  are  stationed  two  female 
figures  whose  attitude  recalls  the  pottery  figures  we  have 
just  described.  Looking  a  little  more  closely  at  the  boats 
on  his  specimen,  we  notice  in  the  fore  part  a  rope  and  a 
mooring  post.  At  the  prow  is  a  sort  of  palm-leaf,  which 
serves  as  a  shelter  for  the  pilot  ;  at  the  stern  three  great 
oars  ending  in  paddles,  recalling  exactly  the  great  steering- 
oars  which  are  usual  on  the  Egyptian  boats  in  historic  times. 
Behind  one  of  the  cabins,  a  standard  surmounted  by  the 
figure  of  an  elephant  indicates,  we  must  suppose,  the  locality 
from  which  the  boat  has  come.  The  careful  study  of  the 
different  standards  depicted  on  the  pottery  shows  that  it  is 
possible  to  group  them  in  a  series  in  which  are  found  several 
signs  which  were  used  in  later  times  in  the  hieroglyphs  to 
denote  the  provinces  of  Lower  Egypt.  (14) 

The  object  of  these  paintings  must  be  sought  for  in 
connection  with  their  presence  in  the  tombs,  and  it  would 
seem  that  the  scenes  painted  or  drawn  are  used  to  replace 
models  and  figures.  By  this  means  are  placed  at  the  dead 
man's  disposal  his  boats  and  his  slaves  ;  he  is  provided 
with  cattle  and  game-birds  in  the  same  way  as  was  effected 
in  later  times  by  the  use  of  sepulchral  figures  and  funerary 
paintings  and  bas-reliefs.  The  most  likely  confirmation  of 
this  interpretation  is  the  existence  of  one  tomb,  unique  up 
to  the  present  and  discovered  at  Hierakonpolis  in  Upper 
Egypt,  where  we  find  developed  and  amplified  as  mural 
pamtings  the  usual  themes  of  pottery  decoration.  (15)  Here 
again  the  big  boats  occupy  the  greater  part  of  the  wall  (on  one 
of  them  a  man  works  the  rudder)  ;    in  the  free  space  are 


PRIMITIVE  UPPER   EGYPT  53 

depicted  scenes  of  hunting  and  battle.  By  means  of  the 
pottery  found  in  the  tomb  the  sequence  date  67  can  be 
approximately  established.  We  are  thus  somewhere  near 
the  date  at  which  the  primitive  series  and  the  1st  dynasty 
converge.  One  might  almost  ask  oneself  whether  the 
paintings  in  this  unique  tomb  of  Hierakonpolis  have  not 
the  right  to  be  considered  as  a  debased  imitation  of  the  fine 
tombs  of  the  Pharaonic  age  which  we  shall  meet  with  under 
the  Ancient  Empire.  One  detail  perhaps  gives,  in  this 
connection,  a  very  precise  indication.  In  the  lower  angle 
is  a  man,  upright,  who  lifts  his  arm  and  brandishes  a  club 
above  three  tiny  squatting  figures  who  appear  to  be  bound. 
This  is  the  "  caricature  "  of  the  scene  we  have  already  met 
with  in  the  first  Egyptian  monument  we  studied,  namely, 
the  palette  of  Narmer.  The  Hierakonpolis  tomb  thus  gives 
a  crude  rendering  of  one  of  the  most  persistent  and 
immutable  themes  of  Pharaonic  art.  One  is  tempted 
to  sec  likewise  in  the  paintings  of  boats  on  the  pottery 
a  naive  representation  of  the  great  Egyptian  vessels 
which  the  inhabitants  of  Upper  Egypt  were  wont  to  see 
navigating  the  stream  during  the  period  of  conquest  in 
their  country. 

There  are  still  some  objects  bearing  engraved  pictures 
which  must  be  noticed.  The  most  typical  examples, 
perhaps,  are  great  flint  knives  with  decorated  handles  of  ivory 
or  gold.  One  of  them,  in  the  Cairo  Museum,  with  its 
handle  made  of  a  sheet  of  gold-leaf,  is  decorated  with 
engravings.  (16)  On  one  of  the  faces  two  serpents  are 
intertwined,  and  in  the  free  space  between  the  coils  of  their 
bodies  the  designer  has  inserted  floral  devices,  evidently 
with  the  dislike  of  empty  spaces  which  is  so  well  known 
amongst  all  primitive  peoples.  On  the  reverse  side  is  a 
procession  of  real  and  fantastic  animals  which  proceed 
from  the  bottom  to  the  top.  We  shall  presently  come  across 
similar  representations  on  ivory  handles. 

It  now  remains  to  examine  a  final  class  o'"  objects — the 
slate  palettes.  These  palettes,  of  which  the  object  or  use 
is  not  quite  certain  and  which  may  perhaps  most  fittingly 
be  called  magical  instruments,  (17)  present  either  geometrical 


\ 


54  EGYPTIAN   ART 

or  animal  forms.  Amongst  the  animals  the  most  frequent 
are  the  antelope,  fishes,  tortoises  and  birds.  If,  in  most 
cases,  the  animal  is  identifiable  at  first  sight,  in  others  we 
find  derivations  more  and  more  remote  from  the  primitive 
type.  These  palettes  had  entirely  disappeared  from  Egypt 
in  historic  times.  They  survive  in  Nubia  up  to  the  first 
dynastic  age,  but  in  a  completely  atrophied  form.  It  would 
therefore  appear  that  these  objects  owe  their  origin  to  beliefs 
and  customs  peculiar  to  the  inhabitants  of  Upper  Egypt. 
However,  the  excavations  at  Hierakonpolis  yielded,  in  the 
most  ancient  deposits,  decorated  slate  palettes,  one  of  which 
is  no  other  than  the  great  palette  of  King  Narmer.  It  bears 
the  king's  name  at  the  top  of  both  faces,  written  in  hiero- 
glyphs. This  discovery  enables  us  to  assign  to  a  definite 
epoch  several  fragments  scattered  in  different  museums, 
the  dating  of  which  had  been  the  object  of  much  discussion. 
We  will  refer  to  them  again  in  the  next  chapter  when  studying 
the  problem  of  the  origin  of  Egyptian  Pharaonic  art. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1.  Capart,  J.,  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt.     London,  1905. 

2.  Pctrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Diospolis  Parva,  London,  1901,  pi.  V. 

3.  Ibid. 

4.  Reisner,  G.  A.,  Work  of  the  University  of  California  at  El-Ahaiwah 
and  Naga-ed-Der,  in  the  Archaeological  Report  of  the  Egypt.  Exploration  Fund, 
1900-1901,  p.  23,  fig.  3. 

5.  Reisner,  G.  A.,  The  Early  Dynastic  Cemeteries  of  Naga-ed-Dir,  Part  I., 
Leipzig,  1908,  pi.  16. 

6.  Ibid.,  pi.  4. 

7.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Abydos,  Part  II,  London,  1903,  pi.  LXIV. 

8.  Reisner,  G.  A.,  Archaeological  Survey  of  Nubia,  Report  for  1907-8  ; 
Archaeological  Report,  Cairo,  191  o.  Firth,  C.  M.,  Report  for  1908-9, 
Archaeological  Report,  Cairo,   191 2. 

9.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Diospolis  Parva,  London,  1901,  p.  23  and  pi.  IV. 

10.  Petrie,  W.  M.  Y.,  Abydos,  Part  I,  London,  1902,  pis.  XVIII-XIX. 

11.  Capart,  J.,  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt,  London,  1905,  chap.  iv. 

12.  Morgan,  J.  de.  La  Barque  des  Morts  chez  les  Egyptiens  pridynastiques, 
in  the  Revue  anthropolgique,  t.  ixx.,  1920,  pp.  272-82  and  fig.  22. 

13.  In  Naqada  and  Ballas,  London,   1896,  pi.  LXVII. 

14.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  List  of  Vases  with  Cult-Signs  in  the  Annals  of  Archa- 
ology  and  Anthropology,  Liverpool,  t.  v.,  pp.  137-42  ;    Notes  on  Some  Egyptian 


PRIMITIVE  UPPER   EGYPT  S5 

Nome  Ensigns  and  their  Historical  Significance,  in  Ancient  Egypt,  t.  i.,  19 14, 
pp.  5-8,  where  the  quotation  to  the  Annals  must  be  corrected,  vol.  v.,  p.  132. 

15.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  and  Green,  F.  W.,  Hierakonpolis,  London,  1902,  t.  ii., 
pis.  LXXV-LXXVIII. 

16.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  Archaic  objects  {Catalogue  giniral  au  Miisie  du  Caire), 
Cairo,  1905,  t.  i.,  p.  237;  Currelly,  Ch.  T.,  Stone  Implements,  Cairo,  1913* 
pi.  XL VII. 

17.  Capart,  J.,  Les  Palettes  en  schiste  de  PEgypte  primitive.    Brussels,  1908. 


CHAPTER    IV 
THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS 

A  SERIES  of  successful  excavations  has  led  to  the 
discovery  of  monuments  belonging  to  the  earliest 
dynasties  :  Hierakonpolis  in  Upper  Egypt,  Naqada 
several  miles  north  of  Thebes,  Abydos  with  its  ancient  temple 
and  necropolis — all  these  sites  have  proved  themselves  to 
be  of  the  utmost  importance  for  the  study  of  the  first  stages 
of  civilisation  of  Pharaonic  Egypt.  To  these  we  might 
add  Toura  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Nile,  and  Tarkan  on  the 
left,  both  in  the  region  of  Memphis. 

On  looking  through  the  memoirs  in  which  scholars 
have  published  the  results  of  their  researches  in  these 
localities,  one  is  at  once  struck  by  the  perfect  concordance 
of  the  objects  brought  to  light.  On  the  lines  of  the  study 
which  we  made  in  the  preceding  chapter,  we  shall  begin 
by  establishing  the  identity  of  types,  a  particularly  striking 
feature  in  the  case  of  pottery.  For  there  is,  in  fact,  no  one 
ware  characteristic  of  Hierakonpolis,  another  of  Abydos, 
a  third  of  Memphis  ;  on  the  contrary,  in  the  whole  Nile 
Valley  one  and  the  same  "  fashion  "  is  followed  by  the 
potters.  It  probably  came  into  existence  at  a  central  spot 
whose  influence  was  sufficiently  strong  to  carry  it  in  all 
directions. 

The  same  general  identity  is  likewise  perceived  in  the 
forms  of  the  architectural  monuments,  a  point  which  is  very 
apparent  in  the  tombs  of  the  Ancient  Empire. 

We  may  notice,  however,  for  the  moment  the  great 
tomb  of  Naqada,  which  the  inscriptions  enable  us  to  place 
at   the  beginnmg  of  the  1st  dynasty,  (i)     The  upper  part 

of  the  walls  is  lost,  but  enough  remains  to  prove  that  the 

56 


THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     si 

exterior  sides  of  the  tomb  presented  a  curious  arrangement 
of  pilasters  forming  projections  with  niches  let  in,  a  feature 
which  occurs  again  and  again  in  the  course  of  the  study  of 
Egyptian  architecture. 

Among  the  most  important  objects  preserved  in  these 
archaic  deposits  are  fragments  bearing  royal  names.  The 
first,  already  known  to  us,  is  the  palette  of  King  Narmer 
(Menes  ?),  which  we  must  now  examine  more  closely.  (2) 
On  the  principal  face  (that  upon  which  the  figures  are  largest) 
the  central  part  is  occupied  by  a  group  to  which  attention 
has  already  been  directed  ;  the  king  wears  the  crown  of 
Upper  Egypt  ;  he  raises  a  club  with  which  he  is  about  to 
strike  a  conquered  foe  kneeling  on  the  ground.  Behind 
the  king  is  a  serving-man  bearing  his  sandals.  Above  the 
head  of  the  victim  a  symbolic  group  signifies  that  the  falcon- 
god  Horus  has  granted  the  king  victory  over  six  thousand 
enemies.  On  the  other  face,  the  field  of  the  palette  is  divided 
into  several  registers.  In  the  first  we  witness  a  ceremony  : 
the  king,  decked  this  time  with  the  crown  of  Lower  Egypt, 
advances  accompanied  by  a  sandal-bearer  and  preceded  by 
a  high  functionary.  The  procession,  which  moves  towards 
a  group  of  decapitated  bodies,  is  headed  by  four  bearers 
carrying  ensigns.  Below,  two  feline  animals  stretch  and 
intertwine  their  necks  in  such  a  way  as  to  enclose  a  circular 
space.  The  two  fantastic  animals  are  held  in  leash  by  two 
men  who  occupy  the  free  space  above  the  beasts.  At  the 
bottom  a  bull  treads  a  vanquished  enemy  underfoot  and 
destroys  with  its  horns  the  walls  of  a  fortified  town.  The 
two  fugitives  at  the  foot  of  the  principal  face  would  appear 
to  belong  to  this  scene.  Here,  indeed,  we  have  before  our 
eyes  a  representation  which  is  purely  Egyptian,  showing 
that  the  costumes,  attributes  and  attitudes  of  later  periods 
were  already  quite  in  use.  Several  hieroglyphs,  amongst 
others  the  king's  name  thrice  repeated,  demonstrate  the 
employment  in  such  remote  times  of  this  peculiar  system  of 
writing. 

The  style  of  the  palette  has  not  yet  reached  the  standard 
of  other  monuments  of  the  sarhe  age  which  we  shall  presently 
deal   with  ;    we   can   easily  perceive  the  awkwardness   and 


58  EGYPTIAN   ART 

the  stiffness  of  some  of  the  figures  ;  but  an  explanation 
of  this  will  be  given  later  on.  The  same  defects  in  style  can 
be  seen  elsewhere  in  the  bas-relief  of  King  Mersekha  or 
Semerkha,  carved  at  a  great  height  on  the  rocks  at  Wady- 
Magara  in  Sinai.  (3)  Here  three  large  royal  figures  are 
set  out  side  by  side  :  on  the  left,  a  repetition  of  the  principal 
group  of  the  palette,  the  king  is  preparing  to  immolate  his 
vanquished  enemy  ;  before  this  group  the  figure  of  the 
king,  twice  repeated  and  differing  only  in  the  crown  (in 
one  case  that  of  Upper  Egypt,  in  the  other  of  Lower  Egypt). 
It  is  well  to  note  that  in  this  group  the  triumphant  king 
is  also  wearing  the  crown  of  Upper  Egypt,  which  implies 
the  supremacy  of  this  part  of  the  country  over  the  other. 

The  stele  of  the  Serpent  King  (4)  affords  us  an  instance 
of  the  highest  perfection  coupled  with  extreme  simplicity. 
A  light  frame  follows  the  outline  of  the  stone  and  shows  up 
the  royal  name  there  engraved  :  in  fact,  the  entire  decora- 
tion of  the  stone  set  up  in  the  king's  tomb  confines  itself 
to  giving  us  his  principal  name.  The  Egyptian  kings  of 
classic  times  had  five  names  corresponding  to  different 
titularies  ;  the  most  important,  that  which  we  have  here, 
is  called  the  Horus  name.  A  falcon,  the  bird  sacred  to 
Horus,  perches  upon  the  upper  part  of  a  rectangle  in  which 
is  inscribed  the  king's  name.  The  lower  part  of  the  rect- 
angle is  occupied  by  a  curious  complex  of  horizontal  and 
vertical  lines  which  immediately  recalls  the  arrangement 
of  the  walls  of  the  royal  tomb  of  Naqada.  But  this  question 
will  be  followed  up  in  detail  later  on. 

In  the  ruins  of  the  temple  of  Hierakonpolis  a  granite 
fragment  was  found,  doubtless  a  door-jamb,  which  repeats 
several  times  the  name  of  King  Khasekhemui,  of  the  Ilnd 
dynasty.  (5)  Here  again  we  recognise  the  general  arrange- 
ment just  described,  but  with  this  difference  :  the  rectangle 
is  surmounted,  not  by  a  falcon  only,  but  by  two  animals 
symbolising  the  two  parts  of  Egypt — the  falcon  and  the 
still  unidentified  animal  of  the  god  Seth.  This  is  a  way 
of  expressing  that  the  king  re-united  under  one  sceptre 
after  a  period  of  division  "  the  two  parts,  of  Horus  and 
of   Seth,"    as    the    texts    frequently   say.     The    same    King 


THE  FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     59 

Khasekhemui  (or  one  of  his  predecessors  called  Khasekhem) 
is  known  by  two  statues  found  at  Hierakonpolis.  (6)  We 
may  note  in  passing  that,  in  spite  of  their  mutilations,  they 
present  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  royal  sculpture 
of  the  following  dynasties  ;  were  it  not  for  the  evidence  of 
the  inscriptions  it  is  probable  that  archaeologists  would  feel 
some  hesitation  in  assigning  them  to  so  remote  an  age. 

At  the  level  dated  by  these  monuments,  excavators  have 
discovered  at  Hierakonpolis  and  at  Abydos  great  quantities 
of  fragments  worked  in  ivory  :  the  testimony  of  the  inscrip- 
tions carved  upon  some  of  them  enables  us  to  affirm  that 
the  whole  collection  certainly  belongs  to  the  earliest  dynasties. 
These  ivories,  unhappily  very  mutilated,  display  the  existence 
of  figures  of  men  or  of  animals  of  very  finished  workmanship. 
But  few  examples  need  be  cited.  One  fragment  in  the  Oxford 
Museum  is  the  upper  part  of  the  body  of  a  woman,  (7)  whose 
shoulders  are  covered  by  long  wavy  locks  ;  in  spite  of  its 
mutilations  it  shows  perfect  execution.  We  can  see  that 
the  sculptor's  chisel  has  carefully  studied  the  shape  of  the 
head,  and  has  succeeded  in  rendering  the  features  in  a  most 
expressive  manner.  The  eyes,  which  were  made  of  some 
other  material,  have  unfortunately  disappeared,  leaving  two 
gaping  sockets  in  the  midst  of  the  face.  We  may  compare 
with  it  a  minute  figure  of  only  a  few  centimetres  in  height 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum  :  (8)  it  is  a  king  of  Upper 
Egypt  wrapped  in  a  long  embroidered  cloak.  The  injuries 
of  time  have  altered  the  surface  of  the  ivory,  but  not  too 
much  to  prevent  us  from  appreciating  the  delicacy  of  the 
workmanship  and  the  intense  realism  which  characterises  it. 

The  part  played  by  these  little  figures  has  not  been  deter- 
mined with  certainty,  but  they  may  have  been,  after  all, 
ex-voto  offerings  in  the  temples  or  funerary  figures  destined 
for  the  tombs.  We  do  know,  however,  the  purpose  of  the 
figures  of  dogs,  lions  and  lionesses  which  have  been  found 
in  the  tombs  of  several  localities.  They  are  gaming-pieces, 
and  to  be  convinced  of  this  we  have  but  to  compare  the 
lion  and  the  dog  from  the  royal  tomb  of  Naqada  (9)  with 
the  painting  of  a  box  of  games  in  the  tomb  of  Hesi  at  Saqqara. 
(beginning  of  the  Ilird  dynasty).  (10)     These  little  images 


6o  EGYPTIAN   ART 

all  testify  to  great  dexterity  in  seizing  the  characteristic  forms 
of  the  animals. 

These  same  tombs  contained  fragments  of  furniture. 
They  give  us  a  striking  example  of  the  stylisation  of  an 
object  of  daily  use  which  was  so  successful  that  the  Egyptians 
adhered  to  it  with  scarcely  any  change  until  the  latest  epochs 
of  their  history.  We  will  examine  two  chair-legs  found  in 
the  tomb  of  Naqada,  which  are  wrought  in  the  form  of  the 
legs  of  a  bull,  (i  i)  One  is  a  fore-leg,  the  other  a  hind-leg  ; 
both  rendered  with  the  greatest  fidelity.  The  piece  of  furni- 
ture was  supported  by  the  animal,  or  indeed  represented 
the  animal  itself,  standing  normally  upon  its  four  feet,  two 
before,  two  behind.  The  necropolis  of  Abydos  has  yielded 
a  whole  series  of  identical,  or  similar,  pieces.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  in  one  series  of  examples  the  legs  of  the  bull 
are  more  bent,  as  if  the  animal  were  weighed  down  beneath 
its  load.  (12) 

Similar  objects  have  been  recovered,  entire  or  fragmen- 
tary, from  all  the  1st  dynasty  sites  :  they  show  a  well- 
finished  type  which  was  handed  down  to  the  Egyptians  of 
posterity  in  a  form  wellnigh  unchangeable. 

Objects  in  faience,  enamelled  sometimes  in  a  single 
colour,  sometimes  in  several  colours,  are  everywhere  met 
with  ;  there  are  the  figurines,  vases,  glazed  tiles  for  wall 
decoration,  etc.,  (13)  the  very  abundance  of  which  proves 
that  we  are  dealing  with  a  craftsmanship  which  has  left  its 
tentative  stages  far  behind  and  has  adapted  itself  to  the 
requirements  of  widely  different  uses.  It  is  at  the  same  time 
one  of  the  most  typical  industries  of  Pharaonic  Egypt.  In 
some  of  the  primitive  tombs  of  Upper  Egypt  collars  of 
enamelled  beads  have  been  found,  but  these  same  burials 
contain,  more  by  exception  than  by  rule,  an  occasional  object 
of  copper.  Their  presence  there  is  to  be  explained  apparently 
by  commercial  intercourse,  and  enamel,  like  copper,  imme- 
diately indicates  one  and  the  same  origin.  It  is  to  Sinai 
that  the  Egyptians  of  the  most  ancient  periods  went  to 
exploit  the  copper  mines,  and  the  Egyptian  enamel  is,  as  is 
well  known,  derived  from  copper. 

Before  going  farther  it  is  well  to  inquire  what  conclusions 


THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     6i 

emerge  from  the  mass  of  dated  objects  examined  up  to  this 
point.  There  is  no  possibility  of  confusion  between  the 
group  of  documents  found  at  Hierakonpolis  and  in  the 
royal  tombs  of  Abydos  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  mass  of 
objects  from  Upper  Egypt  which  are  studied  in  the  previous 
chapter.  These  are  quite  another  matter,  the  product  of 
quite  another  civilisation.  One  is  led  from  this  to  the 
problem  already  mentioned  :  whence  came  the  wave  of 
civilisation  which  altered  the  aspect  of  the  objects  discovered 
in  Upper  Egypt  since  the  second  period  of  the  primitive 
epoch  ? 

The  complete  civilisation  which  now  appears  to  us  as 
being  in  possession  of  very  developed  art  is  further  charac- 
terized by  a  system  of  writing  which  is  already  fully  con- 
stituted. We  may  quote  in  this  connection  the  remarks 
of  several  scholars.  Professor  Steindorff  says  :  **  The 
formation  of  hieroglyphic  writing  goes  back  to  prehistoric 
times  ;  already  on  the  inscriptions  of  the  royal  tombs  of 
Abydos — that  is  to  say,  the  most  ancient  historical  monu- 
ments— we  come  across  Egyptian  writing  as  an  accomplished 
fact  which,  in  the  course  of  later  ages,  will  have  to  undergo 
but  a  minimum  of  modification."  (14)  Professor  Sethe 
of  Gottingen  expresses  himself  as  follows  :  **  Under  Menes 
and  his  successors,  the  kings  of  the  first  historic  dynasty, 
we  find  Egyptian  civilisation  completely  evolved,  and  even, 
in  a  sense,  having  reached  its  culminating  point.  In  par- 
ticular, the  writing  has  developed  as  completely  as  possible 
from  the  pictographic  writing  from  which  it  originated, 
towards  its  transformation  into  phonetic  writing  which 
must  certainly  have  been  in  use  for  some  centuries."  (15). 
Again,  it  was  in  Egypt  itself  that  hieroglyphs  came  into 
being.  In  the  opinion  of  Professor  Griffith  of  Oxford 
**  the  ancient  Egyptian  system  of  writing,  so  far  as  we  know, 
originated,  developed,  and  finally  expired  strictly  within 
the  limits  of  the  Nile  Valley.  The  germ  of  its  existence 
may  have  come  from  without,  but  as  we  know  it,  it  is  essen- 
tially Egyptian  and  intended  for  the  expression  of  the 
Egyptian  language."  (16) 

We  are  bound,  then,  to  admit  a  historic  period  before 


62  EGYPTIAN   ART 

the  1st  dynasty.  The  Egyptians  cherished  the  memory 
of  it,  and  for  them  the  1st  dynasty  was  not  the  starting- 
point  of  their  history,  but  only  of  the  history  of  a  reign 
which  united  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt  under  one  sceptre. 
When  they  related  the  beginnings  of  their  existence  they 
described  the  reign  of  the  gods  upon  earth.  Then,  when 
the  gods  had  ceased  to  rule,  they  bequeathed  their  power 
to  numerous  kings  before  the  time  of  Menes.  The  historical 
fragment  of  Palermo  contained  lists  of  these  kings  of  Upper 
and  of  Lower  Egypt.  The  Turin  papyrus,  as  well  as 
Manetho,  preserve  traditions  of  successive  families  of  kings 
anterior  to  the  1st  dynasty.  Without  entering  into  the 
details  of  these  questions,  I  will  content  myself  with  quoting 
the  conclusion  of  the  historian  Ed.  Meyer  :  (17)  "  There  is 
no  question  here  of  the  interpretation  of  a  later  age,  but  of 
a  very  ancient  tradition.  In  the  royal  papyrus  of  Turin, 
preserved  only  in  fragments,  it  seems  that  the  gods  were 
succeeded  first  of  all  by  a  dynasty  of  more  than  a  thousand 
years'  duration,  then  by  twenty  kings  with  a  period  of  eleven 
hundred  years,  then  by  ten  the  number  of  whose  years  is 
lost,  then  by  others  again  of  which  only  the  number  of 
years  has  been  preserved,  three  hundred  and  thirty  ;  then 
ten  kings  with  more  than  a  thousand  years,  then  nineteen 
sovereigns  of  Memphis  who  reigned  only  eleven  years, 
four  months  and  twenty  days  ;  and  nineteen  kings  of  the 
northern  country  with  more  than  two  thousand  one  hundred 
years,  and  finally  the  dynasty  of  '  Worshippers  of  Horus,* 
with  over  thirteen  thousand  four  hundred  and  twenty  years. 
According  to  Manetho,  after  three  dynasties  of  gods  or 
demi-gods,  follows  first  a  certain  number  of  kings  with  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  seventeen  years,  and  then 
thirty  Kings  of  Memphis  with  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  ninety  years,  ten  Kings  of  Thinis  with  three  hundred 
and  fifty  years,  and  finally  the  genii  who  correspond  to  the 
*  Worshippers  of  Horus,'  with  five  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  thirteen  years.  In  spite  of  differences  in  detail,  it  will 
be  observed  that  the  general  scheme  is  the  same." 

For  fuller  information   I   must  refer  the  reader  to  my 
study,  published  in  19 14,  on  The  Origins  of  Egyptian  Civilisa- 


THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     63 

tion^  (18)  in  which  I  discussed  the  arguments  which  seemed 
to  me  to  show  that  this  history  before  the  1st  dynasty  could 
be  placed  almost  entirely  in  Lower  Egypt.  It  happens  that 
archasological  discoveries  in  Upper  Egypt  have  been  very 
rich  in  a  number  of  places,  yet,  side  by  side  with  the  civilisa- 
tion of  the  indigenous  peoples,  no  traces  whatever  have 
been  found  of  a  Pharaonic  civilisation  before  the  develop- 
ment of  the  1st  dynasty.  It  might  be  supposed  that 
the  documents  of  the  transition  period  still  lie  hidden  in  the 
burial-grounds  which  have  up  to  the  present  escaped  the 
attentions  of  archaeologists,  but  the  series  of  pottery  has 
shown  in  a  concordant  manner  that  perfect  continuity  has 
been  maintained.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  last 
chapter  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  1st  dynasty  attaches 
about  the  sequence  date  75.  If  long  lines  of  kings  had 
reigned  in  Upper  Egypt  before  Menes,  it  is  strange,  to 
say  the  least  of  it,  that  nowhere  in  the  primitive  burials  have 
hieroglyphic  inscriptions  been  found,  although  they  abound 
when  the  1st  dynasty  tombs  are  opened. 

There  is,  however,  one  historical  fact  that  must  certainly 
be  taken  into  account,  and  that  is  the  superiority  which 
Upper  Egypt  exercised  over  Lower  Egypt  in  historic  times. 
It  is  likewise  quite  certain  that  at  the  dawn  of  the  dynastic 
era  Upper  Egypt  had  conquered  Lower  Egypt.  It  is 
probable  that  Egyptian  chiefs,  firmly  established  in  Upper 
Egypt,  had  at  some  given  time  conquered  the  Delta,  which 
was  the  birthplace  of  their  race.  Here  we  have  the  first 
example  of  an  event  which  repeated  itself  several  times  in 
the  course  of  history.  Thus,  after  the  Ancient  Empire  the 
Theban  princes  gained  ascendancy  over  the  Herakleopolitan 
kings,  and  founded  the  Middle  Empire,  whose  authority 
extended  all  over  Egypt.  In  the  same  way,  in  the 
XVI  Ith  dynasty,  the  Theban  princes  expelled  the 
Hyksos.  (19) 

It  is  to  a  period  first  of  struggles  for  freedom  and  then 
of  conquest  that  the  slate  palettes  belong,  monuments  which 
seem  to  be  rather  what  we  may  perhaps  term  "  imitatives." 
The  Hierakonpolis  specimen,  in  the  name  of  Narmer,  fixes 
with  certainty  the  date  of  the  whole  series. 


64  EGYPTIAN   ART 

At  several  periods  in  the  history  of  Egyptian  art  we 
come  across  groups  of  rude  and  clumsy  monuments  whose 
"  imitative  character  "  is  absolutely  undeniable.  The  earliest 
Theban  sovereigns  to  the  Xlth  dynasty  made  lamentable 
copies  of  the  artistic  productions  of  the  Ancient  Empire. 
It  was  not  until  the  time  when  their  power  was  firmly  estab- 
lished over  the  whole  of  Egypt  that  they  had  access  to  good 
models  and  to  good  workshops,  and  began  their  series  of 
masterpieces.  (20) 

We  will  now  examine  the  most  important  palettes  and 
fragments  of  palettes. 

A  complete  specimen  was  found  at  Hierakonpolis  at  the 
same  time  as  that  of  Narmer.  (21)  The  edge  is  adorned 
with  figures  of  animals  ;  in  the  field  are  scattered  pele-mele 
representations  of  animals,  both  real  and  fantastic,  pursuing 
one  another.  On  the  obverse,  the  centre  of  which  is  occupied 
by  a  cavity,  the  figures  are  of  the  same  character  :  we  see 
again  two  feline  animals  with  serpentine  necks,  one  on 
either  side  of,  and  detached  from,  the  cavity.  If  they  are 
deprived  of  their  decorative  motive,  these  necks  have  no 
point  whatever.  One  might  almost  see  here  a  clumsy 
imitation  of  one  of  the  motifs  of  the  great  palette.  The  un- 
fortunate animal  reappears  on  a  specimen  in  the  Louvre,  (22) 
but  this  time  it  is  set  far  from  the  cavity  and  walks  on  the 
field  of  the  object.  On  one  of  the  faces  is  seen,  rudely 
interpreted,  a  design  figuring  a  palm-tree  flanked  by  two 
giraffes. 

The  fine  fragment  in  the  British  Museum  (23)  (com- 
pleted by  an  Oxford  fragment)  might  pass  as  having  served 
as  the  model  for  the  Louvre  palette.  Here  the  forms  of 
the  giraffes  are  drawn  with  the  precision  and  care  which 
characterise  the  fine  animal  drawings  of  the  Egyptians  of 
the  Ancient  Empire.  On  the  reverse  of  the  palm-tree  and 
giraffe  scene  is  depicted  a  battle  episode.  Once  more  we 
see  the  slain  enemies  lying  on  the  ground,  whilst  a  lion  and 
some  birds  of  prey  come  to  tear  them.  The  drawings  are 
of  unequal  merit  :  the  lion  is  not  of  such  pure  execution 
as  the  giraffes,  but  the  corpse  which  is  being  devoured  by 
the  beast  is  drawn  with  real  perfection.     The  Oxford  frag- 


PLATE  XI 


CENTRAL  COURT  OF   THE  PYRAMID-TEMPLE   OF  SAHURE, 
AS   RESTORED  BY  BORCHARDT 


PLATE  XII 


PRONAOS  OF  THE  TEMPLE  OF  HORUS  AT  EDFU 


THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     65 

ment  (24)  represents  two  more  enemies  led  captive  and 
escorted  by  standards  similar  to  those  which  we  have 
examined  on  the  palette  of  Narmer,  or  on  the  stern-ends 
of  the  barges  painted  on  the  primitive  pottery.  Similar 
standards  are  also  carried  by  the  hunters  depicted  on  the 
palette,  of  which  two  fragments  are  in  the  British  Museum 
and  a  third  in  the  Louvre.  (25)  The  animals  tracked  by  the 
two  bands  of  warriors  are  in  all  respects  similar  to  those 
represented  on  several  of  the  previously  mentioned  palettes. 

A  fragment  in  the  Louvre  (26)  is  closely  allied  to  the 
palette  of  which  one  part  is  in  the  British  Museum  and 
the  other  at  Oxford.  Here  the  standards  are  represented 
"  in  action  "  seizing  a  rope  "  in  their  hands."  The  upper 
part  of  this  fragment  is  occupied  by  a  bull  goring  an  enemy, 
which  recalls  one  of  the  episodes  in  the  Narmer  palette. 
It  will  be  observed  that  the  feet  of  the  bull  are  stylised  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  feet  of  the  furniture  which  we  dealt 
with  earlier.  On  one  face,  crenelated  enclosures,  in  which 
are  hieroglyphic  signs,  indicate  the  names  of  the  towns 
vanquished  by  the  conqueror. 

Finally  a  fragment  in  Cairo  (27)  details  on  one  face  a 
whole  series  of  names  of  towns,  and  on  the  other  are  set  out 
spoils  brought  from  Libya.  (28)  Three  successive  registers 
show  sheep,  asses  and  bulls.  These  animal  figures  are  so 
crude  and  rough  that  the  whole  production  looks  like  a 
lame  copy  of  a  good  original.  It  may  be  compared  with 
a  bas-relief  in  the  temple  of  Sahure,  of  the  Vth  dynasty,  at 
Abusir.  (29)  Here  again  is  seen  set  out  spoils  taken  also 
from  the  Libyans,  and  the  series  of  animals  arranged  in 
successive  registers  exactly  reproduces  sheep,  asses  and  oxen 
in  the  same  order  as  the  Cairo  fragment. 

Representations  which  could  likewise  be  called  "  imita- 
tive "  are  found  on  a  certain  number  of  utensils  and  various 
other  objects  :  such  is  the  knife  in  the  Cairo  Museum,  with 
its  handle  of  engraved  gold  ;  such  also  is  the  ivory  comb 
in  the  Davis  collection.  (30) 

We  must  also  note  the  flint  knives  with  ivory  handles, 
the  most  important  specimen  of  which  is  in  the  Louvre.  (31) 
If  these   flints  are  to  be  ranked  with  the  wonderful  neolithic 

5 


66  EGYPTIAN   ART 

implements  of  Upper  Egypt,  dated  in  Petrie's  **  Sequence 
Dates  "  about  60,  and  are  consequently  to  be  included 
amongst  indigenous  manufactures,  the  sculptures  of  the 
handles — the  thematic  character  of  which  has  been  so  ably 
demonstrated  by  Benedite  (32) — find  their  continuation  in 
the  series  of  ivories  from  Hierakonpolis  belonging  to  dynastic 
Egyptian  art.  The  knife  of  Gebel-el-Arak  deviates  so  much 
from  the  manner  characteristic  of  the  civilisation  of  Upper 
Egypt  that  some  writers  would  seek  for  its  origin  outside 
the  Nile  Valley,  as  far  off,  indeed,  as  Elam  (33).  It  presents, 
however,  nothing  which  would  exclude  it  from  the  scheme 
of  Pharaonic  civilisation.  (34) 

We  will  now  leave  these  documents,  which  imitate  in  a 
more  or  less  clumsy  fashion  the  productions  of  a  more 
accomplished  art,  and  revert  to  the  question  of  Egyptian 
art  as  it  appears  clearly  in  dated  documents  of  the  earliest 
dynasties.  In  his  book  on  Egyptian  Art  in  the  "  Ars  Una  " 
series  Maspero  expresses  himself  as  follows  :  (25)  **  When 
the  Memphite  dynasties  arose  (the  Ilird  dynasty  is  the 
first  Memphite)  it  (art)  was  already  in  full  possession  of 
its  ruling  ideas,  its  conventions,  its  formulas,  its  technique, 
all  the  features  which  gave  it  originality  and  character." 
This  clear  and  concise  statement  we  may  take  as  a  sure  guide, 
but  we  will,  however,  add  one  remark  further,  and  that 
from  henceforth  Egyptian  art  tends  to  crystallise  into  formulae; 
in  reality  its  period  of  formation  and  progress  is  left  behind, 
it  can  only  remain  stationary  or  deteriorate.  If  we  seek 
the  cause  of  this  fact,  we  shall  most  probably  find  it  princi- 
pally bound  up  in  the  influence  of  religion.  Art  is  inherent 
in  the  service  of  the  religious  and  funerary  rites  which  the 
Egyptians  had  inherited  from  their  forefathers  and  which 
they  had  the  greatest  scruples  in  modifying.  For  thousands 
of  years  they  repeated  the  same  acts,  dictated  by  the  ritual 
which  passed  almost  without  alteration  from  age  to  age. 

Without  insisting  now  on  these  ideas,  which  would 
involve  us  in  considerable  elaboration,  it  is  needful  to  illus- 
trate by  a  few  examples  the  persistence  of  forms  and 
motives. 

The  royal  tomb  of  Naqada  is  adorned,  as  is  well  known. 


THE  FIRST  PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     67 

by  projecting  pilasters  and  recessed  niches.  This  archi- 
tectural arrangement  passes  on  throughout  the  ages.  Pro- 
fessor Meyer  remarks  that  "  were  it  not  certain,  from  the 
evidence  of  the  objects  found,  that  this  tomb  dates  from 
the  time  of  Menes,  we  should  certainly  place  it  at  a  later 
date — the  commencement  of  the  Ilird  dynasty."  (36)  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  tombs  of  this  epoch  supply  us  with  a 
whole  series  of  very  characteristic  examples.  Two  tombs 
of  the  Vth  dynasty  at  Saqqara  reproduce  in  stone,  at  the 
end  of  the  chapel,  the  general  arrangement  of  the  exterior 
walls  of  the  Naqada  tomb.  In  the  latter  monument  the 
upper  part  of  the  walls  has  disappeared.  Here,  on  the 
contrary,  in  the  tombs  of  Sabu  (37)  and  of  Niankh-Re,  (38) 
the  upper  decoration  is  composed  of  two  flowers  or  two 
leaves.  This  feature,  which  likewise  figures  on  the  archi- 
tectural portion  of  the  stele  of  the  Serpent  King,  proves  by 
the  evidence  that  the  bottom  of  the  rectangle  containing 
the  royal  name  really  has  the  value  of  a  monumental  design. 
Its  forms,  the  origin  of  which  will  occupy  us  in  the  next 
chapter,  are  preserved  throughout  the  ages,  and,  by  way  of  a 
typical  example,  it  is  sufficient  to  observe  that  the  Horus  name 
of  King  Sesostris  I,  of  the  Xllth  dynasty,  in  the  pyramid- 
temple  at  Lisht,  copies  them  exactly.  (39) 

But  it  might  be  objected  that  we  have  to  do  with  a 
stereotyped  model  which  has  been  repeated  indefinitely  by 
pure  tradition,  as  forming  an  integral  part  of  the  royal 
protocol.  We  will,  then,  take  another  case,  which  deals 
with  an  architectural  element  which  might  be  called  living, 
in  the  sense  that  nothing  prevents  its  being  altered.  The 
pyramid-temple  of  Sahure  at  Abusir  furnishes  the  oldest 
example  in  the  nature  of  a  dactyliform  capital  ;  that  is  to  say, 
decorated  with  palms.  (40)  The  tomb  of  Tehuti-hetep 
at  El-Bersheh,  of  the  Xllth  dynasty,  shows  us  a  column 
whose  capital  is  identical  with  that  of  the  Vth  dynasty.  (41) 
At  Tell-el-Amarna,  the  ruins  of  the  palace  of  Amenophis  IV, 
of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  once  more  give  us  an  identical 
capital.  (42)  If  we  pass  over  a  long  period  to  the  Graeco- 
Roman  age,  the  pronaos  of  the  temple  of  Edfu  demonstrates 
that  the  old  model  had  not  ceased  to  be  used,  and  the  archi- 


68  EGYPTIAN   ART 

tects    contented    themselves    with    copying    it    as    nearly   as 
possible.  (43) 

The  same  may  be  said  of  a  pictorial  motif.  In  the  temple 
of  Sahure  is  represented  a  procession  of  personages  bearing 
tables  of  offerings  for  the  deceased  king.  (44)  We  see  there 
men  and  women  bringing  their  tribute  to  the  royal  tomb  : 
some  of  them  have  above  their  heads  hieroglyphic  signs 
denoting  the  different  regions  or  provinces  from  which  they 
have  come.  The  men  have  a  peculiar  aspect,  recalling  the 
form  which  the  Egyptians  gave  to  the  Nile-god,  and  for  this 
reason  these  men  are  often  spoken  of  as  "  Niles."  The  fleshy 
parts  of  these  beings  are  fat,  thereby  indicating  abundance 
and  riches.  The  breast  is  strongly  accentuated,  the  belly 
protrudes  in  heavy  folds  of  fatness  ;  the  clothing  is  reduced 
to  a  mere  girdle,  from  the  front  of  which  are  suspended 
flaps  of  cloth  forming  a  kind  of  fringe.  A  monument  of 
the  Xllth  dynasty,  the  granite  table  of  offerings  from  the 
temple  of  Sesostris  I  at  Lisht,  repeats  this  procession  of 
"  Niles  "  in  the  same  attitude  and  form.  (45)  At  the 
beginning  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  in  the  temple  of  Deir-el- 
Bahari,  (46)  we  come  across  the  series  of  men  and  women 
figured  in  the  same  manner,  with  the  geographical  standards 
once  more  above  their  heads,  and  although  the  sculptor 
has  given  these  figures  neater  and  more  slender  contours, 
at  the  same  time  he  has  not  failed  to  indicate  the  distended 
breasts  of  the  Nile  figures,  nor  yet  to  draw  the  belly  bulging 
over  the  girdle,  thereby  reducing  the  loin-cloth  to  a  mere 
hanging  fringe.  The  temple  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos,  of  the 
XlXth  dynasty,  supplies  some  fine  examples  of  these  pictures 
of  "  Niles,"  this  time  in  a  kneeling  attitude.  (47)  One 
might  quote  countless  other  instances,  of  which  none  departs 
from  the  general  rule,  although  many  of  these  figures,  at  a 
later  date,  show  plainly  the  deplorable  decline  in  the  art  of 
drawing  in  Egypt.  Thus  it  is  that  the  "  Niles  "  in  the 
cella  of  the  temple  of  Kalabshi,  (48)  built  by  the  Emperor 
Augustus,  repeat  the  same  idea,  but  render  it  clumsily  and 
carelessly. 

In  connection  with  these  processions  of  offering-bearers 
it  is   curious   to  compare  a  picture  of  the  Ancient  Empire 


THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     69 

with  another  of  the  Roman  period.  In  the  one  we  see  the 
staid  and  severe  outlines  in  the  tomb  of  Ptah-hetep  II,  (49) 
of  simple  and  sure  draughtsmanship  ;  in  the  other,  a  female 
offering-bearer  at  Kom-Ombo,  (^c)  heavy,  gross  and  so 
overloaded  with  detail  that  it  would  seem  as  though  the 
artist  were  afraid  to  leave  a  single  inch  of  the  stone  unused. 
The  rule  is  visible  equally  in  the  one  and  in  the  other,  and 
it  would  seem  that  both  cases  were  inspired  by  a  single 
original  model,  but  the  execution  differs  to  such  a  degree 
that  one  would  scarcely  venture  to  say,  on  comparing  the 
two  monuments,  that  Egyptian  art  had  never  changed  at 
all  in  the  course  of  its  age-long  history. 

But  the  most  striking  example  of  artistic  forms,  fixed 
in  early  times  and  persisting,  is  certainly  that  furnished  by 
the  hieroglyphic  system.  As  is  well  known,  the  hiero- 
glyphs form  a  script  in  which  all  sorts  of  beings  and  objects 
are  represented  :  men,  animals,  plants,  buildings,  furniture, 
divers  utensils,  etc.,  etc. 

If  the  origin  of  this  writing  be  considered  from  the 
artistic  point  of  view,  two  hypotheses  present  themselves. 
The  first,  which  I  hasten  to  declare  absurd,  is  the  following  : 
that  writing  initiated  art  ;  that  is  to  say,  that  a  people  having 
formed  the  idea  of  representing  their  ideas  by  pictures 
would  by  this  means  have  acquired  the  material  for  graphic 
pictures  which  would  only  have  to  be  increased  to  put  their 
owners  in  possession  of  an  almost  complete  art.  The  other 
hypothesis,  evidently  the  only  acceptable  one,  is  at  the  same 
time  full  of  important  considerations.  The  invention  of 
pictographic  characters  could  have  been  possible  only 
among  people  whose  artistic  development  was  sufficient  to 
give  them  the  conception  of  fixing  their  ideas  for  their  con- 
temporaries as  well  as  for  posterity  by  means  of  picture 
writing.  In  this  case  the  very  forms  of  hieroglyphs  them- 
selves bear  valuable  witness  to  the  artistic  level  which  the 
Egyptians  had  attained  at  the  time  when  the  system  was 
inaugurated. 

It  will  be  remarked  that  the  hieroglyphs  show  precisely 
that  use  of  conventions  which  the  Egyptians  employed  in 
historic  times  :    although  they  generally  drew  the  figures  in 


70  EGYPTIAN   ART 

profile,  they  represented  as  full-face  such  details  as  would 
not  be  adequately  represented  by  the  silhouette  :  such  as 
the  head  of  the  owl,  the  tails  of  the  birds,  the  wings  of  a  bird 
in  flight,  or  the  shoulders  of  a  man.  They  drew  the  whole 
picture  in  plan  when  dealing,  for  example,  with  a  lizard,  or  a 
scorpion,  which  are,  so  to  speak,  quite  flat  animals  of  which 
a  silhouette  would  not  be  sufficiently  characteristic. 

We  must  not  forget  that  the  hieroglyphs,  when  we 
first  meet  with  them  on  the  1st  dynasty  monuments,  have 
no  longer  the  simple  pictographic  value  which  they  had 
originally.  They  have  acquired  phonetic  values  which 
postulates,  as  Professor  Sethe  pointed  out,  a  previous  usage 
of  several  centuries.  We  can  thus  see  that,  by  arguing 
from  the  hieroglyphs,  we  can  push  far  back  into  the  past 
for  the  origin  of  artistic  forms,  which  were  already  com- 
pletely fixed  at  the  beginning  of  the  1st  dynasty. 

A  number  of  illustrations  of  hieroglyphs,  taken  from 
different  periods,  show  to  what  extent  the  characters  of  this 
writing  which  is  above  all  monumental,  have  been  precisely 
conserved.  The  quadrupeds  in  the  tomb  of  Ptah-hetep  I, 
of  the  Vth  dynasty  (51) — antelopes,  oxen,  asses,  sheep — are 
outlined  with  remarkable  knowledge  and  precision.  One 
may  say  the  same  of  the  birds — eagles,  falcons,  owls,  etc.  (52) 
For  the  Middle  Empire  we  may  take  as  examples  the  birds 
of  Beni  Hasan,  (53)  then  the  various  signs  in  the  tomb  of 
Tehuti-hetep  at  El-Bersheh.  (54)  As  to  the  New  Empire 
hieroglyphs,  in  the  temple  of  Deir-el-Bahari,  (55)  the  forms 
are  still  the  same  throughout,  and  we  may  be  sure  that  they 
were  designed  from  the  same  patterns,  handed  down  from 
generation  to  generation.  In  the  Sa'ite  period  models  of 
hieroglyphs  are  often  found  engraved  on  soft  stone.  (^6) 
A  falcon  of  this  period  may  be  profitably  compared  with  the 
falcon  on  the  stele  of  the  Serpent  King.  (57) 

When  we  come  to  look  at  the  miserable  hieroglyphs  of 
the  temple  built  by  the  Emperor  Augustus  at  Dendur,  in 
Nubia,  (58)  we  are  appalled  by  the  lamentable  caricatures 
produced  by  the  sculptors,  who  were  nevertheless  in  the 
service  of  the  great  Roman  Emperor.  If  we  knew  nothing 
of  the  chronology  of  Egyptian  monuments,  might  we  not 


THE  FIRST  PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     71 

be  inclined  to  believe  that  the  Dendur  hieroglyphs  are  rude 
and  clumsy  attempts,  preceding  by  several  centuries  the 
fine  and  noble  figure  of  the  falcon  on  the  stele  of  the  Serpent 
King  ? 

This,  in  short,  we  may  say  is  the  whole  history  of 
Egyptian  art.  We  determine,  in  fact,  between  the  1st 
dynasty  and  the  Roman  epoch  the  various  periods  when 
after  a  brilliant  display  the  best  traditions  undergo  a  spell  of 
relapse  or  even  eclipse  ;  then  we  consider  the  final  and 
hopeless  decadence  of  the  Roman  epoch,  when  everything 
decisively  fades  away,  and  we  then  have  a  brief  indication  of 
the  manner  in  which  are  to  be  solved  the  broad  lines  of 
the  historical  problem  raised  by  the  art  of  ancient  Egypt. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place,  finally,  to  cite  a  very  curious 
example  of  the  persistence  of  a  craft  which  has  remained 
immovable  and  has  resisted  the  vicissitudes  of  the  ages. 
In  a  tomb  of  the  1st  dynasty  at  Tarkan,  Professor  Petrie 
found  a  fragment  of  matwork,  which  he  placed  on  a  modern 
Egyptian  mat.  (59)  The  photograph,  which  depicts  the  two 
specimens  side  by  side,  proves  the  extent  to  which,  when 
no  need  for  change  arises,  Egypt  is  capable  of  conserving 
for  more  than  sixty  centuries  an  unchanging  tradition. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

r.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grab  des  Menes,  in  the  Zeitsckrift  fiir  agyptiscke 
Spracke,  t.  36  (1898),  pp.  87-105,  with  5  plates. 

2.  Capart,  J.,  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt,  figs.   183-4. 

3.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Researches  in  Sinai,  London,  1906,  pi.  XLII ; 
Gardiner,  A.  H.,  and  Peet,  T.  E.,  The  Inscriptions  of  Sinai,  Part  I,  London, 
1917,  pi.  I,   la. 

4.  Benedite,  G.,  La  Stele  dite  du  roi  Serpent,  in  the  Monuments  Piot,  t.  xii., 
1905,  pp.  5-18,  and  pi.  I. 

5.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  HierakonpoHs,  Part  I,  London,  1900,  pi.  11. 

6.  \bid.,  pis.  XXXIX-XLI. 

7.  Capart,  J.,  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt,  p.  171,  fig.  133,  No.  3. 

8.  Ibid.,  fig.   122. 

9.  Morgan,  J.  de,  Recherches  sur  les  Origines  de  I'Egypte.  Ethnographic 
primitive  et  tombeau  royal  de  N^gadah,  Paris,  1897,  figs.  698,  699,  p.  192. 

10.  Qui  bell,  J.  E.,  The  Tomb  of  Hesy  {Excavations  at  Sajqara,  1911-12), 
Cairo,  191 3,  pi.  XL 

11.  Capart,  J.,  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt,  fig.  107. 


72  EGYPTIAN   ART 

12.  Amelineau,  E.,  Les  Nouvelles  Fotiilles  d'Aiydos,  1895-6.  Compte- 
rendu  in  extenso,  Paris,  1899,  pi.  XXXII. 

13.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  The  Arts  and  Crafts  of  Ancient  Egypt,  London, 
1909,  pp.  108  seq. 

14.  Myers-Leiikon,  Hieroglyphen,  p.  315. 

15.  Sethe,  K.,  Beitrage  zur  altesten  Geschichte  Aegyptens  :  i.  Die  "  Horus- 
diener,"  in  the  Untersuchungen  %ur  Geschichte  und  Altertumskunde Aegyptens ^ 
t.  iii.,  Leipzig,  1903,  p.  11. 

16.  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  nth  edition,  s.v.  Egypt,  p.  61. 

17.  Meyer,  E.,  Geschichte  des  Altertums,  I,  2,  3rd  edition,  Stuttgart  and 
Berlin,   191 3,  p.   102. 

18.  Capart,  J.,  Les  Origines  de  la  Civilisation  ^gyptienne,  Bruxelles,  1914- 
Reprinted  from  the  Bulletin  de  la  Sociiti  d'Anthropologie  de  Bruxelles,  t.  iiiiii. 

19.  The  same  process  has  been  revealed  in  the  case  of  the  XXVth  Ethiopian 
dynasty  by  the  recent  excavations  of  Reisner.  See  Discovery  of  the  Tombs 
«f  the  Egyptian  XXVth  Dynasty  at  El-Kurru  in  Dongola  Province,  in  the  Sudan 
Notes  and  Records,  t.  ii.,  1919,  pp.  247  and  sqq. 

20.  Compare  the  reliefs  in  Naville,  E.,  and  Hall,  H.  R.,  The  Eleventh 
Dynasty  Temple  at  Deir-el-Bahari,  Part  I,  London,  1907,  and  the  relief  of  King 
Se-ankh-ka-ra  in  the  Abbott  Collection  ;  Williams  (Mrs.),  Two  Reliefs  in  the 
Abbott  Collection,  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  Quarterly  Bulletin,  t.  ii., 
1918,  pp.  14-21,  vi^ith  2  figs. 

21.  Capart,  J.,  Primitive  Art  in  Egypt,  figs^  171,  172. 

22.  Ibid.,  figs.  173,  174. 

23.  Ibid.,  figs.    179,   180. 

24.  Ibid.,  figs.   177,   178. 

25.  Ibid.,  fig.  170. 

26.  Ibid.,  figs.   181,  182. 

27.  Ibid.,  figs.  175,  176. 

28.  Sethe,  K.,  Zur  Erkldrung  einiger  Den  km  die  r  aus  der  Friihzeit  der 
dgyptischen  Kultur,  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  dgypt.  Spr.,  t.  Iii.,  19 14,  pp.  55-60 
and  3  figs. 

29.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Sa'hu-re\  t.  ii..  Die  Wand- 
bilder,  Leipzig,  191 3,  pl.  I  and  p.  13. 

30.  Bcnedite,  G.,  The  Carnarvon  Ivory,  in  the  Journal  of  Egyptian  Archce- 
ology,  t.  v.,  191 8,  pl.  XXXIII. 

31.  Benedite,  G.,  he  Couteau  de  Gebel  el-Arak,  in  the  Monuments  Piot, 
t.  xiii.,  1916,  pp.  1-34,  with  pl.  I. 

32.  Benddite,  G.,  The  Carnarvon  Ivory,  in  the  Journal  of  Egyptian  Archcc 
ology,  t.  v.,  191 8,  pp.  1-15,  225-41,  with  pis.  I,  XXXII-XXXIV. 

33.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Egypt  and  Mesopotamia,  in  Ancient  Egypt,  19 17, 
pp.  26-36,  with  12  figs. 

34.  Capart,  J.,  Le  "  Pseudo-Gilgamesh  "  figuri  sur  le  couteau  igyptien  de 
Gebel  el-'Arak,  in  the  Comptes-rendus  des  stances  de  P Acad^mie  des  Inscriptions 
et  B  lles-Lettres,  1919,  pp.  404-18,  with  7  figs. 

35.  Maspero,  G.,  Ars  Una,  Egypt,  English  Edition,   192 1,  p.  23. 

36.  Meyer,  E.,  Chronologie  ^gyptienne,  traduit  par  A.  Moret,  Paris,  191 2 
iSi    n.  2. 


THE   FIRST   PHARAONIC  MONUMENTS     73 

37.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  le  Haute-Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  5. 

38.  Ibid.,  pi.  8. 

39.  Gautier,  J.  E.,  and  J^quier,  G.,  Mimoire  sur  les  Fouilles  de  Licht,  in  the 
Mimoires  de  Plnstitut  frangais  d'archiologie  orientale,  Cairo,  1902,  fig.  6, 
p.  12. 

40.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Sa^hu-re\  i.,  Der  Bau, 
Leipzig,  1910,  pi.  6. 

41.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  E/  Bersheh,  Part  I,  London,  1894,  pi.  IV, 

42.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Tell-el-Amarna,  London,  1894,  pi.  VL 

43.  Bechard,  M.,  L'Egypte  et  le  Nubie,  Paris,  1877,  pi.  CIX. 

44.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs,  Sa'/iu-re\  ii.,  Die  Wand- 
bilder,  Leipzig,  191 3,  pi.  29-30. 

45.  Gautier,  J.  E.,  and  Jequier,  G.,  Mimoire  sur  les  Fouilles  de  Licht, 
Cairo,  1902,  pi.  8  and  pp.  22-6. 

46.  Naville,  E.,  The  Temple  of  Deir-el-Bakari,  Part  V,  London,  1906, 
pi.    CXXVIIL 

47.  Capart,  J.,  Le  Temple  de  S/ti  I,  Brussels,  191 2,  pi.  XV. 

48.  Gauthier,  H.,  Le  Temple  da  Kalabc hah,  Ca.\ro,  191 1,  pi.  Ill,  and  s^q. 

49.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  i,  pi.  7. 

50.  von  Biasing,  F.  W.,  Einfiihrung  in  die  Geschichte  der  Aegyptischen 
Kunst,  Berlin,  1908,  pi.  XXVIII,  n.  2. 

51.  Da  vies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Maitaba  of  Ptahhetep  and  Akhethetep,  Part  I, 
London,  1900,  pi.  VI 

52.  Ibid.,  pis.  VII- VIII. 

53.  Griffith,  F.  LI.,  Beni  Hasan,  Part  III,  London,  1896,  pi.  II. 

54.  Griffith,  F.  LI.,  A  Collection  of  Hieroglyphs,  London,  1898,  pis. 
VIII,  IX. 

55.  Ibid.,  pis.  I-IV. 

56.  Edgar,  C.  C,  Sculptors'  Studies  and  Unfinished  Works,  Cairo,  1906, 
pi.  XXXIV  and  sqq. 

57.  von  Bissing,  F.  W.,  Denkmdler  dgyptischer  Skulptur,  Munich,  1906, 
pi.  125J. 

58.  Blackman,  A.  M.,   The  Temple  of  Dendur,  Cairo,   191 1,  pi.  CXIII, 

59.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Tarkan  I  and  Memphis  V,  London,  191 3,  pi.  X. 
Nos.  10,  II. 


CHAPTER    V 

ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS   AND 
KINDRED   SUBJECTS 

SINCE  the  signs  employed  in  writing  have  preserved 
for  us  pictures  which  belong  to  the  farthest  reaches 
of  Pharaonic  civilisation,  it  is  not  without  importance 
now  to  examine  such  signs  as  represent  buildings  or  parts 
of  buildings,  for  therein  lies  the  opportunity  of  discovering 
some  of  the  fundamental  elements  of  Egyptian  architecture. 
Upon  a  single  plate  in  one  of  Griffith's  works  (i)  is  collected 
a  number  of  architectural  hieroglyphs  of  the  Ancient  Empire. 
The  simplest  is  the  plan  of  a  house,  traced  as  a  rectangle 
with  an  opening  in  the  front  part  which  corresponds  to  the 
doorway.  In  reality  it  is  rather  an  enclosure  than  a  house. 
Two  variants  show  on  the  upper  part  a  series  of  rearing 
serpents,  which  are  a  frequent  border  to  walls,  as  we  shall 
see.  Two  specimens  represent  a  sort  of  rudimentary  laby- 
rinth, constituting  a  walled  enclosure,  with  a  partition, 
which,  whilst  concealing  the  real  entrance,  forms  a  sort  of 
corridor.  Another  sign,  thrice  repeated  side  by  side,  repre- 
sents a  large  rectangular  enclosure  with  a  smaller  construction 
in  one  angle.  This  denotes,  as  a  hieroglyph,  a  castle  drawn 
within  a  precinct.  A  crenelated  enclosure  contains  in  its 
interior  a  building  which  the  inscriptions  call  a  palace. 
We  next  meet  with  a  more  complex  construction.  It  is  a  sort 
of  pavilion  the  sides  of  which  are  covered  with  intercrossing 
lines.  On  the  upper  part  is  a  cornice,  characteristic  of 
Egyptian  architecture,  and  a  door  opens  below.  Another 
similar  erection  seems  to  be  sheltered  by  a  roof  upheld  on 
two  forked  stakes.  We  notice  the  sign  for  the  granary 
thrice  repeated,  in  the  form  of  a  circular  construction  ending 

74 


ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS       ^^ 

in  a  dome,  evidently  made  of  kneaded  earth  or  of  clay,  or 
perhaps  of  bricks.  The  pyramid  is  easily  recognised,  and 
need  not  detain  us.  Two  signs  depict  a  sort  of  kiosk,  or 
tent,  supported  by  a  column,  the  sides  of  which  are  drawn 
in  imitation  of  matting.  As  a  separate  part,  we  observe 
first  of  all  a  column,  with  a  tenon  for  fitting  on  its  upper 
end,  then  two  pillars  of  polygonal  form  also  ending  in  tenons. 
In  one  case,  as  we  see  from  the  illustration,  the  sides  are 
slightly  grooved  with  parallel  channellings. 

The  stele  of  the  Serpent  King  (2)  depicts  an  Important 
architectural  framework.  The  rectangle,  surmounted  by 
the  falcon,  and  ending  at  the  base  in  an  arrangement  of 
vertical  and  horizontal  lines,  occurs  over  and  over  again  in 
the  inscriptions  of  offerings  in  the  tombs  of  the  1st  dynasty. 
The  scheme  of  decoration,  however,  is  sometimes  reduced 
to  a  few  strokes,  carelessly  drawn.  In  the  example  of  the 
Serpent  King,  on  the  contrary,  the  indication  of  the  details 
is  very  carefully  worked,  so  that  we  can  discern  three 
towering  blocks  with  doorways  between  them. 

The  explanation  of  several  other  hieroglyphic  signs 
which  are  more  complex  must  be  worked  out  in  connection 
with  the  study  of  the  architecture  of  the  Ancient  Empire. 

It  will  be  observed  from  this  rapid  survey  that  the  buildings 
represented  by  the  hieroglyphs  are,  for  the  most  part,  simple 
constructions,  implying,  above  all,  the  use  of  soft  materials  : 
wood,  plaited  straw,  mud  or  bricks.  The  buildings  of  this 
kind  having  disappeared,  generally  without  leaving  the 
slightest  traces,  we  must  have  recourse  to  pictured  representa- 
tions of  them  if  we  would  reconstruct  them.  Sometimes, 
however,  we  have  enlarged  copies  of  them  made  of  more 
durable  material.  As  stone  constructions,  they  have  survived 
to  our  own  days,  not  easily  recognisable  at  first  sight. 

Several  drawn  figures,  principally  of  religious  edifices — 
tabernacles  or  sanctuaries — deserve  our  attention.  One  wall, 
in  one  of  the  Osiris  chambers,  in  the  temple  of  Seti  I  at 
Abydos,  supplies  us  with  two  such  examples.  (3)  The 
statue  of  the  god  is  enclosed  in  a  kind  of  chapel,  the  side 
partitions  of  which  have  been  omitted,  evidently  in  order 
that  the  observer  may  see  what  is  happening  within.     Two 


76  EGYPTIAN   ART 

cornices,  one  above  the  other,  each  surmounted  by  rows  of 
serpents,  or  ur^ei^  mark  he  positions  of  the  anterior  and 
posterior  partitions,  or,  to  be  more  exact,  the  lateral  walls, 
since  the  chapel  is  viewed  from  one  side.  An  incurved 
line  passes  above  the  higher  cornice  and  rests  in  front  upon 
an  upright  :  this  indicates  the  pole  on  which  the  roof  is 
supported.  The  slightly  projecting  spur  in  front  gives  the 
profile  of  the  cavetto-cornice  which  spreads  over  the  door. 
The  latter  is  represented  as  open,  but  it  is  reduced  to  the 
size  of  a  narrow  board,  just  sufficient  to  mark  the  leaf  of  the 
door,  without  sacrificing  any  part  of  the  wall-space  to  drawing 
the  door  in  its  full  extent.  In  the  same  series  of  reliefs, 
just  above  the  preceding,  a  sacred  emblem  is  seen  set  up 
in  a  similar  chapel.  The  king,  as  officiating  priest,  is  in 
the  sanctuary,  but  he  stands  outside  the  chapel  holding  in 
his  hand  a  censer  the  end  of  which  penetrates  into  the 
interior. 

The  god  Ptah,  the  chief  god  of  Memphis,  is  often  repre- 
sented in  a  lightly  constructed  shrine,  evidently  made  of 
wood.  In  an  example,  also  in  the  Abydos  temple,  the 
details  may  be  plainly  seen.  (4)  This  time  the  door  is  reduced 
to  a  tiny  leaf  affixed  to  the  upper  part  of  the  front  roof-support, 
in  such  a  way  as  not  to  hide  the  figure  of  the  king,  whose 
hands  are  thrust  forward  into  the  interior  of  the  shrine. 
It  will  be  observed  that,  by  a  curious  inconsistency,  the 
king's  arms  are  shown  in  front  of  the  door-post  of  the  chapel 
instead  of  behind  it.  As  in  the  first  instance,  the  side  walls 
are  omitted.  Elsewhere,  as  we  can  see  from  the  treatment 
of  detail,  these  walls  are  of  woven  matting,  as  in  the  tomb 
of  Urana  II  at  Sheikh  Said  (Vth  dynasty).  (5) 

Certain  funerary  bas-reliefs  acquaint  us  with  the  light 
kiosks,  in  which  the  offerings  made  to  the  soul  of  the  dead 
were  deposited.  These  constructions,  made  of  extremely 
light  and  fragile  materials,  were  probably  set  up  along  the 
route  of  the  funeral  cortege.  A  bas-relief  at  Berlin,  (6) 
for  instance,  shows  constructions  of  this  kind,  where  vegetable 
elements  play  the  greatest  part.  The  study  of  the  origin 
of  the  column  will  explain  certain  details  of  this  represen- 
tation. 


PLATE  XIII 


^  ^m 


Hfifi      "  Wf/'MllM'il'', 


dI 

]l 

Til 

3      c 


221 


ii 


- 

ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS 


PLATE   XIV 


LIGHT  CANOP\    L\  THE   KOVAL  TOMB  AT  TELL-EL-AMARNA 


PLATE  XV 


STOREHOUSES  OF  THE  TEMPLE  AT  TELL-EL-AMAR.\A 


PLATE  XVI 


i_hL-r^\r^\ 


DOOR-FRAME  IN  THE  HATHOR-SANCTUARV  AT  DEIR-EL-BAHAKI 


ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS       ^j 

The  tomb  of  Amenophis  IV  at  Tell-el-Amarna  presents 
a  series  of  sculptures  devoted  to  the  death  and  funeral  rites 
of  a  princess.  We  witness,  amongst  other  things,  a  scene 
of  lamentation  which  is  enacted  before  the  statue  of  the 
dead  girl.  (7)  This  latter  is  placed  under  a  light  canopy, 
composed  of  uprights  supporting  a  skin  or  a  mat. 

This  type  of  construction  was  not  destined  only  to 
religious  or  funerary  uses.  In  reality,  in  the  cult  of  the  gods 
and  of  the  dead,  the  Egyptians  merely  borrowed  from  the 
usages  of  the  living.  They  delighted,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  to 
erect  in  their  gardens  little  pavilions,  made  of  light  materials, 
for  recreation  or  rest.  A  tomb  at  Tell-el-Amarna  (8)  shows 
Amenophis  IV  attended  by  the  queen  and  the  princesses  : 
the  king  is  sitting  under  a  kind  of  canopy  with  a  double 
cornice,  surmounted  by  a  row  of  serpents.  The  two 
columns  which  serve  as  supports  are  of  a  very  complicated 
type.  From  the  lower  edge  of  the  cornice  hang  garlands 
of  flowers.  On  the  walls  of  the  tomb  of  the  high-priest 
Meryra  at  Tell-el-Amarna  a  garden  is  depicted  in  the  form 
of  a  cross,  dividing  the  storehouses  of  the  temple  into  four 
groups.  (9)  In  this  garden  is  a  pavilion  of  the  same  kind, 
supported  this  time  by  four  little  columns  of  a  floral  type, 
with  a  cornice  surmounted  by  serpents.  Furthermore,  the 
columns  are  joined  by  a  sort  of  balustrade  or  low  wall  also 
surmounted  by  a  frieze  of  urai.  It  is  probable  that  in  the 
first  case  the  two  central  columns  and  the  wall  between  them 
were  omitted  in  order  to  show  more  clearly  the  persons 
within.  (10)  None  of  these  kiosks,  I  may  repeat,  as  fragile 
as  they  are  graceful  and  elegant,  have  been  preserved,  but 
the  Egyptians  have  bequeathed  to  us  more  massive  copies 
of  them  in  "  everlasting  "  materials,  such  as  the  famous 
kiosk  of  the  Island  of  Philae. 

The  desire  not  to  abandon  the  forms  of  these  light  con- 
structions of  joinery,  which  were  in  a  sense  sacred,  has  given 
rise  to  many  curious  arrangements  in  buildings  erected 
with  heavy  materials,  of  which  we  may  now  cite  one  example. 
In  the  Hathor  sanctuary  at  Deir-el-Bahari,  built  in  the  early 
XVIIIth  dynasty,  a  facade,  or  rather  a  door-frame,  care- 
fully mimics  a  wooden  construction,  (i  i)     Even  a  cursory 


78  EGYPTIAN  ART 

examination  is  enough  to  show  that  it  is  not  appropriate  to 
the  position  it  occupies,  and  that  its  proportions  are  such 
as  to  justify  the  thought  that  it  is  rather  the  result  of  a  con- 
ventional idea  than  a  part  of  a  well-thought-out  architectural 
scheme.  In  the  central  part  the  door  and  its  framing  are 
surrounded  by  a  border  decoration,  while  the  top  is  decked 
with  a  frieze  the  origin  of  which  we  shall  study  later  on. 
This  first  part  alone  makes  up  a  complete  structure,  which 
is  placed  entire  under  a  roof  upheld  by  columns.  The 
columns,  which  are  of  polygonal  type,  are  surmounted  by 
heads  of  the  goddess  Hathor,  to  whom  the  sanctuary  is 
dedicated.  Curiously  enough,  near  the  tops  of  the  pillars 
and  on  the  pillars  themselves  are  designed  two  bosses  which 
recall  breasts,  as  if  the  entire  column  were  intended  to 
represent  the  goddess.  It  will  be  observed  also  that  horns 
are  affixed  to  the  pillars,  and  indeed  the  goddess  Hathor  is 
often  depicted  in  the  form  of  a  cow.  The  drawing  of  the 
walls  between  the  columns  completes  the  whole,  and  shows 
that  we  must  probably  consider  the  construction  as  a  chapel 
surrounded  by  a  colonnade  on  which  rests  a  roof :  an 
arrangement  frequently  met  with  in  the  planning  of  the 
XVIIIth  dynasty  temples. 

The  most  important  of  these  architectural  designs, 
rendered  in  relief  upon  a  wall,  is  furnished  by  the  stelae  of 
the  tombs,  especially  those  of  the  Ancient  Empire,  to  which 
the  second  part  of  this  chapter  will  be  devoted. 

In  the  tomb  of  Ptah-hetep  I  at  Saqqara,  one  of  the  walls 
brings  the  two  most  frequent  types  together  side  by  side.  (12) 
It  is  only  necessary  to  glance  at  the  photographs  to  under- 
stand at  once  why  one  should  be  called  an  ornamented  stele, 
and  the  other  a  simple,  or  ordinary,  stele. 

The  ornamented  stele  (13)  is  characterised  by  a  series  of 
projecting  pilasters  with  recessed  niches,  and  by  a  series  of 
battens  and  spaces  which  look  like  hatchwork.  On  either 
side  the  uprights  enclose  a  central  cavity,  which  we  may, 
at  least  provisionally,  call  a  door.  Above  this  is  a  grating 
corresponding  well  to  a  window,  doubtless  intended  to  light 
the  interior  of  the  building. 

One  can  scarcely  fail  to  notice  immediately  the  analogy 


ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS       79 

which  this  ornamented  stele  presents  with  the  decoration 
of  the  stele  of  the  Serpent  King,  as  well  as  with  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  outer  walls  of  the  royal  tomb  of  Naqada.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  the  ornamented  stele  occurs,  as  we  have 
already  said,  as  a  general  theme,  in  a  whole  series  of  Egyptian 
documents. 

Let  us  now  take  up  the  problem  in  fuller  detail. 

The  sarcophagus  discovered  in  the  chamber  of  the 
pyramid  of  King  Mycerinus  (14)  is  decorated  entirely  on  its 
four  faces  with  the  motif  of  the  ornamented  stele  ;  this  is 
thrice  repeated  on  each  of  the  long  sides  and  once  on  each 
of  the  short  sides.  Each  face  ends  in  a  projecting  ridge 
surmounted  by  the  cornice.  We  could  instance,  perhaps, 
half  a  dozen  sarcophagi  of  grandees  of  the  Ancient  Empire 
which  display  similar  devices.  Thus,  on  the  sarcophagus 
of  Khufu-Ankh  in  Cairo  Museum,  (15)  whilst  the  two  short 
sides  show  almost  the  same  design  as  the  coffin  of  Mycerinus, 
each  of  the  long  sides  gives  the  motif  of  the  stele  once  only, 
but  on  a  broader  scale.  It  must  therefore  be  assumed  that 
on  the  sarcophagus  of  Mycerinus  we  witness  the  use  of 
architectural  elements  in  a  condensed  form  following  the 
precedent  which  we  saw  in  the  case  of  the  representation 
of  the  door  in  the  shrines  of  the  temple  of  Abydos. 

The  fact  that  sarcophagi  are  thus  decorated  on  all  four 
sides  proves  that  we  are  dealing  with  a  kind  of  imitation 
of  a  self-contained  structure,  and  in  fact  the  large  monu- 
ments of  the  Ancient  Empire  display  the  same  type  applied 
on  a  considerable  scale.  The  Shounet-ez-Zebib  at  Abydos, 
which  some  consider  to  be  a  fortress,  but  which  is  more 
probably  a  funerary  monument,  is  a  large  enclosure  built 
of  bricks  whose  exterior  walls  show  the  arrangement  of 
pilasters  and  niches.  (16)  In  the  interior,  the  remains 
of  a  building  have  been  discovered.  The  royal  tomb  of 
Naqada  (17)  consists  of  a  central  nucleus,  made  up  of  a 
burial-chamber  and  four  chambers  which  are  the  store- 
rooms :  once  the  dead  had  been  laid  to  rest  and  the  walls 
bricked  up,  a  great  retaining  wall  was  set  up,  the  outer 
surface  of  which  again  conforms  to  the  arrangement  we  are 
dealing    with.     The    free    space    between    the    central    core 


8o  EGYPTIAN   ART 

and  the  retaining  wall  was  later  divided  up  by  partition 
walls.  As  these  abut  upon  the  walled-up  doorways,  it  is 
certain  that  the  tomb,  properly  so  called,  was  built  first, 
before  the  walls  were  begun  which  enclose  the  whole. 

A  certain  number  of  Ancient  Empire  tombs  repeat  the 
same  series  of  pilasters  and  niches  on  all  four  faces,  whilst 
in  others  its  use  is  confined  to  one  facade  only,  or  even 
to  part  of  a  facjade,  preferably  that  into  which  opens  the 
door  leading  to  the  chapel  dedicated  to  the  funerary  cult. 
Whether  the  wall  be  of  brickwork  or  stone,  the  arrangement 
remains  the  same.  Where  the  walls  are  of  bricks,  these  are 
covered  over  with  a  coating  on  which  all  the  details  are 
carefully  painted. 

The  same  architectural  decoration  extending  over  the 
whole  wall-surface  is  sometimes  found  inside  the  monuments, 
as  in  the  sepulchral  chamber  of  the  pyramid  of  Unas  around 
the  sarcophagus  :(i8)  or  again  in  the  basement,  as  in  the 
sanctuary  of  one  of  the  Beni-Hasan  tombs.  (19)  But  more 
often  only  parts  of  it  were  represented,  usually  confined  to 
one  or  two  doorways  and  their  framing.  For  the  two 
doors  it  will  suffice  to  go  back  to  the  monument  which  we 
already  know  so  well — the  stele  of  the  Serpent  King.  We 
can  now  have  no  hesitation  in  identifying  what  the  lower 
part  of  it  represents. 

W^hy  did  the  builders  confine  themselves  to  two  doors  ? 
or  rather  why  were  two  made  instead  of  one  ?  In  Egypt 
we  frequently  observe  the  repetition  of  two  similar  elements. 
It  is  thus  that  the  kings  had  two  tombs,  and  that  it  was  a 
frequent  practice  to  place  two  statues  of  the  deceased  in  the 
tomb-chapel.  The  origin  of  this  reduplication  must  evi- 
dently be  sought  in  the  customs  of  Egyptian  royalty  :  there 
was  not  simply  a  kingdom  of  Egypt,  but  one  kingdom  of 
Upper  Egypt  and  another  of  Lower  Egypt,  although  both 
were  united  under  one  sceptre  and  ruled  by  one  and  the 
same  person.  "  Pharaoh  "  in  Egyptian  really  means  "  the 
great  double  house."  Thus  the  whole  administration  is 
divided  into  two  parts  :  even  in  the  religious  cult  it  was 
never  neglected  to  represent  the  share  of  the  two  Egypts 
in  offerings  to  the  gods.      It  is  therefore  natural  to  set  up 


PLATE  XVII 


THE  ORNAMENTED  STELE  OF  PTAH-HOTEP 


PLATE  XVIII 


THE  SIMPLE  STHI.E  OF  PTAH-HOTEP 


PLATE  XIX 


THE  SARCOPHAGUS  OF  KING  MYCERINUS 


PLATE  XX 


h 


1SS 


IMITATION  OF  MAT-WORK  AND  WOVEN  FABRICS 
ON  THE  STELE  OF  IIESI 


ARCHITECTURAL   HIEROGLYPHS        8i 

two  ornamented  stelae  in  the  royal  monuments.  For  persons 
of  high  rank  he  same  thing  was  done,  in  conformity  with 
the  rule  which  dominated  all  the  Egyptian  funerary  rites. 
These  latter  actually  began  by  being  exclusively  appropriated 
to  the  person  of  the  sovereign  ;  little  by  little  they  passed 
to  members  of  the  royal  family  and  to  the  high  dignitaries 
before  they  were  conceded  to  those  who  had  deserved  favour  : 
finally,  little  by  little  they  again  passed  on  by  **  contagion  " 
to  the  whole  Egyptian  nation.  It  is  by  virtue  of  this  prin- 
ciple that  in  the  tombs  of  Sabu  or  of  Niankh-Re,  (20)  to 
mention  only  these  instances,  the  end  wall  of  the  chapel 
is  occupied  by  a  double  architectural  decoration.  It  is 
through  this,  also,  that  in  the  tomb  of  a  person  known  as 
Situ  the  two  ornamented  stelae,  now  in  Cairo  Museum,  (21) 
were  found.  The  presence  of  a  very  characteristic  motif  is 
there  detected,  composed  of  two  flowers  combined  as  a  sort 
of  heraldic  device,  and  which  occurs  everywhere  on  the 
monuments.  It  is  set  off  by  a  framing,  which  makes  an 
opening  in  which  it  stands  out  in  relief.  It  will  be  observed 
also  that  in  this  example  the  central  niche  is  closed  by  a 
door  of  which  the  upper  and  lower  pivots  have  been  carefully 
indicated. 

But  often  the  mche-moiif  is  represented  only  once,  as 
we  have  already  seen  in  the  mastaba  of  Ptah-hetep.  The 
delineation  of  only  one  of  the  elements  is  equivalent,  so  it 
would  seem,  to  the  complete  architectural  representation. 
There  might  be,  however,  another  explanation.  That  would 
be  the  belief  that  there  really  were  constructions  of  this 
kind,  of  very  varying  dimensions,  from  a  tomb  which 
measures  hundreds  of  yards  in  length  down  to  chapels  only 
a  few  feet  across,  but  all  nevertheless  reproducing  the  same 
general  forms,  and  such  might  well  have  been  in  conformity 
with  Egyptian  customs. 

A  single  motif  is  sometimes  repeated  in  several  examples, 
one  beside  the  other,  which  cannot  fail  to  recall  the  great 
and  complex  monuments  which  we  considered  first  of  all, 
but  such  repetition  need  not  imply  absolute  identity.  Indeed, 
it  is  not  so  much  a  case  of  a  continuous  motif  as  of  a  simple 
motif  multiplied  indefinitely  without  at  any  time  losing  its 

6 


82  EGYPTIAN   ART 

individuality.  We  might  quote  as  instances  the  Horus 
names  on  the  containing  wall  of  the  temple  of  Sesostris  I  at 
Lisht,  (22)  or  the  decorated  stelae  on  the  sides  of  certain 
Middle  Empire  coffins.  (23) 

We  must  now  examine  a  detail  which  is  characteristic 
of  the  whole  of  this  series  of  representations — the  door-posts, 
or  rather  such  of  them  as  are  ornamented  with  paintings 
wherein  imitation  of  matwork  or  of  woven  fabrics  stretched 
on  straps  or  bands  has  long  been  recognised.  On  the  stele 
of  Ptah-hetep,  (24)  one  can  clearly  see  the  straps  which 
pass  through  staples  and  are  bound  round  a  cross-piece 
to  which  the  matwork  or  cloth  is  attached.  On  a  stele 
from  Abusir(2  5)  the  straps  can  be  seen  attached  to  small 
wooden  cross-bars,  which  are  affixed  to  the  principal  posts. 
These  details,  indicated  by  pamting,  show  us,  further,  that 
we  are  really  dealing  with  wooden  erections  made  up  of 
posts  of  different  sizes,  and  fitted  together  in  such  a  way 
as  to  make  a  kind  of  kiosk  or  verandah  with  open-work 
decoration. 

Thus,  on  the  main  framework  were  stretched  the  matting 
or  cloths  which  have  just  been  alluded  to,  so  as  to  shelter 
the  inside  from  the  sun  or  the  wind.  Wherever  the  tomb 
is  built  of  bricks  plastered  with  stucco,  the  painter  has 
imitated  with  great  care  the  grain  and  the  knots  of  a 
piece  of  wood  on  the  surface  of  the  principal  posts.  (26) 
It  is  difficult  to  aver,  as  several  authors  would,  that  this 
niche-formation  was  originally  derived  from  the  use  of 
brickwork. 

A  wooden  coffin  from  the  necropolis  of  Tarkan,  datable 
to  the  1st  dynasty,  furnishes  an  example  which  adds  a  most 
valuable  detail.  (27)  The  panels  in  which  the  doors  open 
are  cross-tied  with  round  cross-bars.  The  interior  would 
thus  appear  as  firmly  shut  in  by  a  barrier  upon  which,  at 
heights  varying  according  to  need,  pieces  of  matting  or 
cloth  could  be  affixed  But  if  the  ornamented  stele  is  without 
doubt  a  complete  abridged  representation  of  a  building, 
the  nature  of  the  latter  must  be  determined.  Le  Page 
Renouf  (28)  demonstrated  long  ago  that  the  formulas  of  the 
texts   show  a  strict   relationship   between   the  sereh — which 


ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS       83 

is  the  name  of  the  ornamented  stele — and  various  words 
signifying  "  seat  "  or  "  throne."  Moreover,  I  think  I  can 
recognise  in  the  constructions  we  are  discussing  the  royal 
Throne-Room,  which  may  perhaps  be  compared  with  the 
apadana  of  the  Persians.  The  appearance  of  this  architectural 
type  in  the  tomb-pictures  bears  witness  to  the  spread  of  royal 
funerary  rites  to  more  and  more  extensive  classes  of  the 
Egyptian  population. 

We  now  pass  on  to  examine  the  simple  and  ordinary 
stele,  and  we  will  begin  by  comparing  it  with  the  ornamented 
stele.  The  wall  of  the  tomb  of  Ptah-hetep  shows  them 
side  by  side,  a  clear  indication  that  one  must  be  considered 
as  the  variant  of  the  other.  In  the  Ancient  Empire  tombs 
two  simple  stelas  are  found  in  place  of  the  two  varieties  in 
the  tomb  of  Ptah-hetep.  We  shall  discern  the  same  funda- 
mental elements  in  both  types  :  the  central  door  framed  by 
the  jambs.  Above  the  door,  in  the  ornamented  stele  there 
is  a  window  of  straight  grooves  :  in  the  simple  stele  there  is 
a  central  decorated  panel,  but  on  either  side  of  it  is  a  groove. 
There  are  besides  intermediate  types,  where  on  a  simple 
stele  we  find,  for  example,  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  door 
an  upright  with  a  floral  decoration  in  open-work,  (29)  or 
again,  on  each  side  of  the  upper  panel  a  decorated  device.  (30) 
Accordingly  we  can  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the 
two  stelae  are  but  one  and  the  same  idea,  but  with  variations 
in  decoration  ;    both  are  copies  of  buildings. 

The  simple  stele  is  probably  the  shrine  which  contained 
the  statue.  Let  us  then  consult  the  tomb-reliefs  of  the 
Ancient  Empire  which  throw  light  upon  this  point.  In 
the  mastaba  at  Leyden  we  witness  the  transport  of  the 
statue  to  the  tomb.  (31)  It  is  placed  upright  in  a  sort  of 
large  cupboard,  the  door  of  which,  in  two  leaves,  is  wide 
open.  On  the  upper  part  is  the  usual  cornice.  The  shrine 
is  drawn  upon  a  sledge  by  oxen,  and  a  priest  burns  incense 
before  the  effigy  of  the  dead.  To  cross  the  water,  the 
shrine  is  placed  upon  a  boat,  and  this  time  its  doors 
are  shut. 

The  shrine  in  question  will  immediately  be  recognised 
in   the   tomb    of  Ay   at    Tell-el-Amarna,  (32)    where    the 


84  EGYPTIAN   ART 

innermost  chamber,  which  contains  the  statue  of  the 
deceased,  is  preceded  by  a  door  the  general  aspect  of  which 
reproduces  the  form  of  naos  of  the  Ancient  Empire.  The 
tomb  of  Rames,  also  at  Tell-el-Amarna,  (33)  gives  a  variant 
which  is  frequent  elsewhere,  but  very  instructive.  Here 
the  chamber  hewn  out  of  the  mountain  and  reserved  for 
the  statue  has  been  dispensed  with.  The  group  of  the 
deceased  and  his  wife  has  been  sculptured  in  the  rock  and 
framed  by  a  doorway.  We  can  scarcely  interpret  otherwise 
the  simple  steliE  of  the  Ancient  Empire,  where  we  see  a 
statue  of  the  dead  in  relief  in  the  central  niche.  Thus  we 
may  examine,  for  instance,  the  stele  of  Itti-Ankhars  in  the 
Cairo  Museum.  (34)  Could  one  hesitate  to  designate  it  as 
the  representation  of  the  shrine  containing  the  deceased's 
statue,  simply  because  the  construction  which  frames  it  is 
rather  more  complicated  .''  In  the  stele  of  Ankhars,  the  door 
of  the  shrine  is  open  and  the  statue  visible,  whilst  in  the 
stele  of  Nefer-hetep-s,  for  example,  in  the  tomb  of  Ti,  (2S) 
the  two  leaves  of  the  door  are  shut. 

In  the  ornamented  stele  the  same  relation  is  to  be  found 
in  the  structure  with  closed  and  with  open  doors.  Most 
often,  as  we  have  seen,  the  two  leaves  of  the  door  are  shut, 
and  the  details  of  the  bolts  are  represented  by  painting. 
In  one  tomb,  that  of  Hesi  at  Saqqara,  on  the  back  of  each 
of  the  niches  a  wooden  panel  was  placed,  each  of  which  bore 
a  figure  of  the  deceased.  (2^) 

The  Egyptian  texts  generally  designate  the  stelas  by 
the  word  '*  rut"  or  '' ruti,"  generally  translated  "door"  or 
"  double  door,"  and  the  determinative  of  the  word  is  some- 
times a  copy  of  the  characteristic  form  of  the  ordinary  stele. 
In  one  case,  in  the  tomb  of  Ti  (Corridor  I,  east  wall)  (37), 
the  same  design  determines  the  word  "  ro-per,"  which 
properly  means  "  temple."  Here  we  have  a  confirmation 
of  the  view  we  have  just  expressed,  according  to  which  the 
stele  has  not  only  the  value  of  a  facade  or  a  door,  as  is  often 
held,  but  a  complete  building  of  which  only  the  facade  is 
represented. 

The  simple  stele  is  a  naos  of  religious  origin,  and  the 
ornamented  stele  shows  the  administration  to  the  dead  of 


ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS       85 

royal  rites  which  bears  witness  to  the  identification  of  the 
dead  with  the  god. 

We  must  now  finally  examine  a  third  type,  which  is 
akin  to  the  two  first.  This  time,  a  building  is  still 
concerned,  but  one  whose  open-work  sides  show  a  greater 
complexity  in  the  details  of  the  carved  devices. 

We  will  begin  by  considering  three  representations  of 
funerary  constructions  which  are  designed  on  the  sarcophagus 
of  Kauit,  which  comes  from  an  Xlth  dynasty  tomb  at  Deir- 
el-Bahari.  (38)  The  first  is  a  rectangular  construction  mani- 
festly closely  allied  to  the  ornamented  stelae,  and  surmounted 
by  a  cornice.  The  second  represents  on  its  lower  portion 
two  large  niches  or  doors,  surmounted  by  a  panel  divided 
into  several  sections  and  filled  with  carvings  imitating  the 
forms  or  hieroglyphs  or  amulets.  The  third  would  seem 
to  be  viewed  from  the  side,  judging  by  the  curvature  of  the 
upper  part,  and  on  the  whole  somewhat  resembles  the  second 
specimen.  Its  lower  part  is  divided  in  the  same  manner, 
whilst  the  open-work  decoration,  instead  of  being  enclosed 
in  a  rectangle,  is  bounded  above  by  a  curved  line.  It  will 
be  further  observed  that  this  third  construction  would  seem 
to  be  standing  upon  two  feet.  It  is  then  a  kind  of  large 
cupboard  or  shrine  in  which  the  statue  of  Princess  Kauit 
could  be  enclosed. 

It  fortunately  so  happens  that  in  the  Xlth  dynasty  temple 
at  Deir-el-Bahari  we  have  a  copy  in  stone  of  the  funerary 
shrine  of  the  princesses  whose  vaults  were  discovered  in  the 
precincts  of  the  temple.  The  study  of  the  restorations,  so 
carefully  made  by  Madame  Naville,  is  extremely  instructive. 
It  would  seem  that  probably  the  representation  of  the  third 
shrine,  on  the  sarcophagus  of  Kauit,  gives  us  a  view  of 
the  original  piece  of  furniture  made  of  wood,  of  which  the 
two  others  are  the  counterparts  wrotight  in  stone  :  one 
picture  would  render  the  front  view,  the  other  would  show 
the  lateral  view.  Now  if  we  look  at  the  facade  of  the 
shrine  of  Princess  Sadhe,  (39)  we  shall  clearly  identify  the 
general  forms  of  the  first  shrine.  On  the  lateral  face  of 
that  of  Aashait  (40)  we  shall  recognise  the  outlines  of  the 
second  shrine,  but  with  the  difference  that  the  circular  form 


86  EGYPTIAN  ART 

on  the  upper  part  of  the  open-work  decoration  has  been  kept. 
The  painting  of  the  fragments  is  again  evidence  as  to  the 
imitation  of  woodwork.  All  the  texture  of  wood  has  been 
carefully  reproduced  on  the  surface  of  the  stone.  (41)  The 
same  care  has  been  taken  to  vary  the  appearance  of  the  open- 
work decoration,  marking  the  general  framework  as  of  one 
kind  of  wood,  and  showing  by  different  tints  the  use  of 
substances  of  various  colours  for  the  open-work  ornamenta- 
tion. (42)  Ivory  also  enters  into  the  composition  of  these 
decorations,  where  we  find  as  the  principal  devices  falcon 
heads,  "  dad  "-amulets,  little  polygonal  columns,  and  finally 
the  floral  designs  to  which  we  drew  attention  on  the  orna- 
mented stelae. 

Similar  constructions  occur  from  time  to  time  amongst 
the  monuments  of  later  periods  :  such  is  the  stele  which 
occupies  the  central  position  on  the  end  wall  of  the  sanctuary 
of  the  temple  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos.  (43)  Prisse  copied  from 
the  monuments  of  the  New  Empire  constructions,  which 
are  analogous  in  all  respects.  (44)  One  tomb  at  Tell-el- 
Amarna,  that  of  Tutu,  (45)  gives  one  more  very  instructive 
example  copied  in  stone.  This  time  it  is  a  case  of  a  niche 
at  the  back  of  which  was  placed  a  statue  of  the  deceased, 
which  specifies,  if  it  were  still  necessary,  the  purpose  of  the 
shrine. 

In  addition,  we  may  in  conclusion  compare  two  paintings 
from  the  Theban  tombs.  One  shows  a  wall  occupied  by 
a  niche,  hewn  out  to  contain  the  statue,  and  which,  upon 
its  upper  portion,  is  painted  in  imitation  of  lattice-work.  (46) 
On  each  side  persons  advance  towards  it  bearing  funerary 
offerings.  We  may  compare  this  arrangement  with  that 
of  one  of  the  walls  in  the  tomb  of  Nakht  :  (47)  it  will  be 
observed  that  the  general  manipulation  of  the  design  is 
identical.  But  here  the  niche  with  its  upper  decoration  in 
open-work  is  replaced  by  a  simple  stele,  such  as  was  cus- 
tomary under  the  Ancient  Empire,  and  which  we  have  analysed 
above.  This  last  comparison  proves  the  identity  in  the 
function  of  the  three  types — decorated  stelae,  ordinary  stelae, 
and  open-work  chapels.  All  three  are  really  funerary  shrines 
in   which    the    cult-statues  were  placed,  and  it  were  better 


ARCHITECTURAL  HIEROGLYPHS       87 

not  to  speak  of  them  any  more  as  stelae  in  the  form  of  false 
doors,  destined  exclusively  for  the  use  of  the  soul.  One  may 
search  in  vain  in  the  texts  for  any  passage  which  would 
confirm  this  interpretation. 


BIBLIOGR.A.PHY. 

1.  In  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Mastaba  of  Ptahhetep  and  Akhethetep,  Part  I, 
London,   1900,  pi.  XII. 

2.  B&ddite,  G.,  La  Stele  dite  du  Rot  Serpent,  xa.  the  Monuments  Plot,  t.  xil., 
1905,  pi.  I. 

3.  Capart,  J.,  Le  Temple  de  S/ti  I"',  Brussels,  191 2,  pi.  XX. 

4.  Ibid.,  pi.  XXV. 

5.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  Sheikh  Said,  London,  1901,  pi.  XV. 

6.  Puchstein,  O.,  Die  lonische  Sdule,  Leipzig,  1907,  figs.  22—4. 

7.  Bouriant,  U.,  G.  Legrain  and  G.  Jequier,  Monuments  pour  servir  a  V Etude 
du  Culte  d'Jtonou  en  Egypte,  t.  I.,  Cairo,  1903,  pi.  X. 

8.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El  Amarna,  Part  II,  London, 
1905,  pi.  XXXII. 

9.  Ibid.,  Part  I,  London,  1903,  pi.  XXXI. 

10.  Compare  the  same  pavilion  with  four  or  five  columns,  ibid..  Part  III, 
London,  1905,  pi.  XIV  (empty),  and  Part  11,  pi.  XXXVII  (occupied  by  the 
royal  family). 

11.  Naville,  E.,  The  Temple  of  Deir-el-Bahari,  Part  IV,  London,  1901, 

pi.  cm. 

12.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Mastaba  of  Ptahhetep  and  Akhethetep,  Part  I, 
London,  1900,  pi.  II,  and  the  photographs  of  pi.  XXIX. 

13.  Ibid.,  pi.  XIX. 

14.  Maspero,  G.,  The  Dawn  of  Civilization,  London,  1896,  p.  377. 

15.  Grebaut,  E.,  and  G.  Maspero,  Le  Musie  Egyptien,  t.  i.,  Cairo,  1890- 
1900,  pi.  XXI. 

16.  Ayrton,  E.  R.,  C.  T.  Currelly  and  A.  E.  P.  Weigall,  Abydos,  Part  III, 
1904,  London,  1904,  pi.  VI. 

17.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grab  des  Menes,  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  degyptische 
Sprache,  t.  xxvi.,  1898,  pi.  XIV-XV, 

18.  Maspero,  G.,  The  Dawn  of  Civilization,  London,  1910,  p.  437. 

19.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  Beni-Hasan,  Part  I,  London,  1893,  pi.  XXXVI. 

20.  Marietta,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  5  and  8. 

21.  Maspero,  G.,  Guide  du  Visiteur  au  Muse'e  du  Caire,  191 5,  4th  edition, 
fig.  7,  p.  20. 

22.  Gautier,  J.  E.,  and  G.  Jequier,  Mimoire  sur  les  Fouilles  de  Licht, 
Cairo,  1902,  p.  12. 

23.  Lacau,  P.,  Sarcophages  antirieurs  au  Nouvel  Empire,  Cairo,  1905, 
pi.  XIII. 

24.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Mastaba  of  Ptahhetep  and  Akhethetep,  Part  I, 
London,   1900,  pi.  XX. 


88  EGYPTIAN   ART 

25.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das   Grabdenkmal  des   KSnigs  Ne-User-Re\   Leipzig, 

1907,  pi.  24. 

26.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  T/ie  Tomb  of  Hesy,  Cairo,  191 3,  pi.  VIII. 

27.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Tarkan  I  and  Memphis  F,  London,  191  3,  pi.  XXVIII. 

28.  The  Horus  Standard  and  the  Seat  of  Horus,  in  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Society  of  Biblical  Archceology,  t.  liv.,  1891-92,  pp.  17-22.  Reprinted  in 
The  Life  Work  of  Sir  Peter  Le  Page  Renouf  t.  ii,  pp.  435-40, 

29.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  I,  pi.  41.     Tomb  15. 

30.  Mastaba  of  Neferartnef  at  Brussels. 

31.  Boeser,  P.  A.  A.,  Beschryving  van  de  Egyptische  Ferzameling,  t.  i., 
Leiden,   1905,  pi.  IX. 

32.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El  Amarna,  Part  V,  London, 

1908,  pi.  XX. 

33.  Ibid.,  Part  IV.,  London,   1906,  pi.  XLV, 

34.  Murray,  M.  A.,  Saqqara  Mastabas,  I,  London,  1905,  pis.  XIX  and 
XXXV. 

Maspero,  G.,  Guide  du  Visiteur  au  Musie  du  Caire,  4th  edition,  191 5, 
fig.  5,  p.  18. 

35.  Steindorif,  G.,  Das  Grab  des  Ti,  Leipzig,  191 3,  pi.  45. 

36.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  The  Tomb  of  Hesy,  Cairo,   191 3,  pi.  V. 

37.  Steindorff",  G.,  Das  Grab  des  Ti,  Leipzig,  191 3,  pi.  31. 

38.  Naville,  E.,  and  H.  R.  Hall,  The  Xlth  Dynasty  Temple  at  Deir-el- 
Bahari,  Part  I,  London,  1907,  pi.  XX. 

39.  Naville,  E.,  The  Xlth  Dynasty  Temple  at  Deir-el-Bahari,  Part  II, 
London,  19 10,  pi.  XI. 

40.  Ibid.,  pi.  XIV. 

41.  Ibid.,  pi.  XIII. 

42.  Ibid.,  pis.  XV.  and  XIX. 

43.  Capart,  Jean,  Le  Temple  de  Siti  P\  Brussels,  19 12,  pis.  XVI  and  XVII. 

44.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  I' Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  12. 

45.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El  Amarna,  Part  VI,  London, 
1908,  pis.  XXXVI  and  XII. 

46.  Tomb  of  Menna.  Maspero,  G.,  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations, 
2nd  edition,  London,   19 10,  p.   519. 

47.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Tomb  of  Nakht  at  Thebes,  New  York,  1917, 
pis.  VIII  and  IX. 


PLATE  XXI 


FUNERARY  SHRINE  OF  PRINCESS  SADHE 
AT  DEIR-EL-BAHARI 


PLATE  XXIV 


CHAPEL  OF  ANUBIS  AT  DHIR-EL-HAHARI 
FROM   Jl'iQUIER,  LBS  TEMPLES  MEMPlllTES   ET  THIiBALNS 


CHAPTER    VI 

MATERIALS  AND  ELEMENTS  OF  BUILDING 

THE  Egyptians  used  clay  extensively  not  only  in  the 
industrial  arts,  such  as  pottery,  but  also  for  building. 
It  was  used  principally  as  daub  or  as  bricks. 

Mud. — It  would  seem  that  mud-building  is  the  most 
ancient  type,  for  one  can  trace  its  technical  forms  copied 
in  other  types  :  thus,  according  to  most  authorities,  the 
Egyptian  gorge '  owes  its  origin  to  the  incurvation  produced 
by  the  pressure  of  the  roof  upon  a  building  made  of  mud. 
The  mud  is  applied  to  a  framework  of  palm-branches,  the 
tops  of  which,  standing  out  free,  are  pushed  outwards  by 
the  beams  which  form  the  roof.  The  torus,  in  the  form 
of  a  fillet,  was  originally  a  kind  of  straw  padding  placed  at 
the  angles  of  the  building  to  strengthen  them,  (i) 

Little  models  of  dwellings  are  often  found,  especially 
in  the  tombs  of  the  Middle  Empire,  and  these  reproduce 
the  forms  of  the  mud-built  houses  such  as  are  made  to  this 
day  by  the  natives  of  Egypt.  (2) 

Granaries,  which  were  cylindrical  buildings  capped  by 
a  little  dome,  figure  among  the  hieroglyphs.  Granaries  of 
this  type  are  shown,  for  example,  in  a  painted  representation 
of  the  house  of  Anena,  at  Thebes.  (3)  The  enclosing  wall 
is  bounded  on  its  upper  surface  by  an  undulating  line,  which 
certainly  indicates  mud,  for  if  the  wall  were  of  brick,  battle- 
ments would  have  been  traced  by  an  angular  line.  Beyond, 
first  the  rectangular  house  of  worked  materials  is  seen,  and 

^   I  am  obliged  to  retain  the  word  gorge,  as  we  have  no  English  equivalent 

which  expresses  the  special  meaning  here  implied.     The  characteristic  form 

of  Eg/ptian  buildings  is  produced  by  sides  which  slant  slightly  inwards,  and  at 

the  narrowest  point — the  gorge — is  a  ridge  above  which  the  cornice  spreads 

outwards. — Translator. 

89 


90  EGYPTIAN   ART 

then  the  two  granaries  and  a  large  building  with  a  bulging 
roof,  which  served  perhaps  as  a  storehouse.  These  three  last 
buildings,  as  well  as  the  containing  wall,  seem  clearly  to  be 
designated  as  of  mudwork. 

Bricks. — The  brick  makes  an  early  appearance  in  the 
Egyptian  tombs.  From  the  time  of  the  1st  dynasty  its  use 
becomes  quite  customary.  Egyptian  brick  is  made  of  mud 
mixed  with  sand  and  straw,  then  worked  into  elongated 
blocks  and  hardened  by  the  sun.  A  picture  in  the  tomb 
of  Rekhmara  at  Thebes  shows  a  brickworks  in  full  activity.  (4) 
Workmen  are  bringing  the  mud  from  a  pool  or  a  marsh, 
turning  it  out  in  heaps  upon  the  ground,  working  it  up  with 
a  hoe,  then  moulding  the  bricks,  which  are  laid  out  in  straight 
lines.  When  they  are  dry,  a  labourer  carries  them  to  the 
place  where  building  operations  are  in  progress. 

The  dimensions  vary  according  to  the  period  :  one 
might  say,  as  a  general  rule,  that  the  brick  increased  in 
size  from  the  Vth  to  the  XVI Ith  dynasties,  and  decreased 
perceptibly  from  the  XXIst  onwards.  (5)  The  oldest  speci- 
mens of  baked  bricks  go  back  only  to  the  XXIInd  dynasty. 
Bricks  are  frequently  found  bearing  a  mark  or  inscription 
stamped  upon  them.  More  rarely  bricks  contain  foundation 
tablets  of  stone  or  enamelled  earthenware,  upon  which  are 
inscribed  the  name  of  the  king  who  erected  the  building, 
the  indication  of  the  edifice  in  which  they  were  used,  or 
the  name  of  a  functionary.  (6) 

Bricks  are  laid  either  in  horizontal  courses  or  in  incurved 
courses  :  this  curving  of  the  courses  has  sometimes  been 
accounted  for  by  the  slackening  of  the  string  which  served 
as  a  guiding-line  for  the  masons.  This  explanation,  however, 
is  contradicted  by  the  presence  of  courses  in  which  the 
curving  is  inverted.  Some  great  walls  actually  show  bays  in 
which  the  incurvation  is  alternately  upwards  and  downwards. 
Choisy  said  that  "  the  object  of  these  undulations  is  to 
prevent  the  mass  from  sliding  on  the  ground  and  the  courses 
upon  one  another."  (7)  Petrie  considers  that  this  arrange- 
ment in  curved  courses  might  have  given  rise  to  the  custom 
of  building  certain  walls  at  a  slope. 

Leaving  aside  the  pilastered  walls  of  the  ancient  tombs, 


ELEMENTS   OF  BUILDING  91 

which  we  have  already  explained,  it  may  be  said  that  walls 
were  generally  uniform  without  any  sort  of  special  decoration 
arising  out  of  the  use  of  the  materials.  One  brick  building 
of  late  period,  however,  reproduced  by  Prisse  d'Avennes,  (8) 
has  its  outer  walls  ornamented  by  a  system  of  niches 
similar  to  those  which  we  have  considered  in  the  ancient 
monuments. 

Sometimes  between  the  courses  of  bricks  the  presence 
of  layers  of  palm-leaves  or  matting  is  observed,  evidently 
intended  to  drain  the  crude  brick  masonry.  (9) 

From  the  earliest  times  the  Egyptians  knew  the  use  of 
brick  vaulting.  The  vaulting  attaches  to  two  fundamental 
types  :  corbelled  vaulting  and  semicircular  vaulting.  An 
archaic  tomb  at  Naga-ed-Derr  (10)  furnishes  an  excellent 
example  of  the  first  type  :  the  bricks  jut  slightly  one  above 
another  to  the  point  at  which  they  meet  at  the  top,  the  addi- 
tion of  courses  of  brickwork  above  this  arching  imparting 
a  certain  solidarity  to  the  whole.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
trace  how  this  type  passed  into  the  semicircular,  which 
became  quite  a  common  custom,  certainly  from  the  Ilird 
dynasty.  At  Meidum(ii)  semicircular  work  is  combined 
with  corbelling  :  the  first  layers  of  the  masonry  are  laid 
on  the  corbel  principle,  and  the  free  space  is  then  filled  in 
with  bricks  making  a  series  of  keystones. 

In  one  of  the  plates  in  Garstang's  book  on  the  Ilird 
dynasty  are  collected  several  very  characteristic  specimens 
of  brick  archings.  (12)  In  one  case  it  can  be  seen  how  several 
large  blocks  of  mud  placed  in  a  polygonal  position  support 
a  range  of  brickwork  which  marks  out  a  regular  vault.  Is 
this  one  of  the  stages  leading  towards  the  invention  of  semi- 
circular vaulting  ? 

If  the  vaulting  of  these  tombs  strikes  us  as  tentative 
or  clumsy,  one  can  scarcely  say  the  same  of  the  admirable 
work  in  the  tomb  of  Adu  I  at  Dendereh,  which  dates  from 
the  Vlth  dynasty.  (13)  An  archway  composed  of  three 
layers  of  bricks  upholds  without  yielding  the  weight  of  a 
considerable  mass  of  masonry. 

It  would  seem  that  arch-formation  was  used  by  the 
ancients  as  extensively  as  it  is  by  Arab  builders  of  modern 


92  EGYPTIAN   ART 

Egypt.     It  is  met  with  under  various  forms  in  the  store- 
houses of  the  Ramesseum  at  Thebes.  (14) 

"We  shall  observe  later  on  that  the  Egyptians  often 
copied  this  form  of  vaulting  in  their  stone  buildings  ;  which 
is  not  to  say — be  it  noted — that  they  made  stone  vaulting. 
Sometimes  the  copy  displays  a  perfectly  semicircular 
vault;  (15)  sometimes,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  akin  to  the 
pointed  arch,  or  ogee,  as  for  instance  in  the  chapel  of 
Thutmosis  I  at  Deir-el-Bahari  ;  in  the  Anubis  chapel  of  the 
same  temple  the  copy  is  of  a  true  ogee.  (16)  In  other  cases 
the  ceilings  of  chambers  hewn  in  the  rock  copy  elliptical 
vaulting  ;  for  example,  in  the  tomb  of  Ramesses  IV  at 
Thebes,  or  again  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  temple  of  Es-Sebua 
in  Nubia  of  the  time  of  Ramesses  II,  where  the  curve  of 
the  vault  is  completely  flattened.  (17)  The  oldest  vaulting  is 
probably  to  be  found  in  one  of  the  Ethiopian  chapels  at 
Medinet-Habu.  (18) 

In  the  time  of  the  New  Empire,  square  spaces  covered 
by  a  brick  cupola  are  found.  M.  Pieron  (19)  has  described 
a  curious  tomb  with  a  cupola  upon  penditives,  at  Thebes, 
which  he  places  between  the  XVIIth  and  XXth  dynasties  ; 
at  Abydos  a  brick  tomb  of  the  XXVIth  dynasty  is  likewise 
surmounted  by  a  cupola.  (20) 

Bricks  were  generally  covered  with  coating,  or  painted 
plastering.  Excavations  at  the  1st  dynasty  sites  have  brought 
to  light  quantities  of  glazed  bricks  which  made  the  outer 
covering.  (21)  On  the  backs  of  some  are  tenons  or  slots 
by  which  they  were  affixed  to  the  wall  or  attached  to  one 
another,  perhaps  by  means  of  wires.  The  visible  surface 
of  these  bricks  is  plain,  or  ornamented  in  imitation  of  the 
pattern  of  matting.  The  inner  chamber  of  a  pyramid  of 
the  beginning  of  the  Ilird  dynasty  was  entirely  covered 
with  similar  decoration.  (22) 

Wood. — Egypt  grows  but  few  kinds  of  wood  which  are 
usable  for  building.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  to 
observe  that  the  Egyptian  texts  have  handed  down  to  us 
accounts  of  expeditions  sent  out,  principally  to  Syria,  in 
order  to  procure  wood  for  joinery.  The  papyrus  of 
Unamunu  is  the  most  celebrated  of  the  stories  of  this  kind. 


ELEMENTS    OF   BUILDING  93 

It  is,  however,  more  surprising  to  note  that  these  expeditions 
were  made  from  the  Ancient  Empire  onwards.  Professor 
Sethe  has  proved  that  certain  boats  of  this  far-off  period 
owe  their  specific  names  to  the  intercourse  which  Egypt 
maintained  with  the  Syrian  coast. 

Wood  was  used,  as  we  have  seen,  amongst  other  things 
for  the  construction  of  light  kiosks  or  more  or  less  com- 
plicated structures  in  joinery.  It  would  seem  that  wood 
was  likewise  employed  for  panelling.  A  IVth  dynasty 
tomb — that  of  Prince  Merab,  (23)  a  contemporary  of 
Cheops — shows  on  the  top  of  the  dado,  above  which  are 
arranged  representations,  a  veritable  panelling  made  of 
boards,  the  painting  of  which  carefully  picks  out  the  grain "ng. 
One  might  even  ask  whether  we  are  not  justified  in  thinking, 
on  the  authority  of  this  example,  that  the  yellow  band  so 
often  painted  on  the  walls  of  the  Ancient  Empire  tombs 
might  be  an  imitation  of  a  wooden  post  let  into  the  brick- 
work of  the  walls. 

Rare  woods  were  employed  by  the  Egyptians  in  furni- 
ture, especially  in  inlay-work.  We  might  here  recall  the 
open-work  devices  in  the  constructions  which  we  studied 
in  the  previous  chapter. 

Finally,  wood  is  often  used  in  sculpture,  and  the  texts 
mention  statues  made  of  different  varieties  of  wood.  The 
pictures  which  show  the  Southern  races  carrying  tribute 
frequently  display  the  bringing  of  logs  of  ebony. 

Stone. — Stone  occurs  abundantly  in  Egypt  and  in  the 
neighbouring  desert  :  the  quarries,  which  were  worked 
from  very  early  times,  afford  numerous  varieties  of  lime- 
stone, sandstone,  and  granite.  At  Tura  and  Masara  lime- 
stone was  worked  :  at  Hatnub  (Tell-el-Amarna)  was  a 
rich  deposit  of  alabaster.  At  Gebel-el-Ahmar  is  found  red 
sandstone  ;  at  Silsileh,  ordinary  sandstone  ;  at  Syene  or 
Assuan,  several  varieties  of  granite.  In  the  Delta,  in  the 
Kankah  region,  a  belt  of  basalt  appears.  In  the  Arabian 
desert  a  whole  series  of  hard  stones  occurs,  amongst  others 
diorite  and  what  the  Egyptians  called  "  Bekhen  stone," 
which  is  a  black  gritty  schist. 

Egyptian  sculptors  made  use  of  all  these  materials,  and 


94  EGYPTIAN   ART 

did  not  shrink  from  attacking  the  very  hardest  stones,  even 
obsidian,  quartz  and  petrified  wood. 

The  inscriptions  left  by  the  Egyptians  in  the  quarries 
furnish  valuable  data.  The  minister,  Uni,  narrates  in  his 
tomb  inscription  a  memorable  expedition  to  the  Assuan 
quarries  under  the  Vlth  dynasty. 

M.  Montet  has  re-edited  and  carefully  studied  the  inscrip- 
tions of  the  Hammamat  valley,  (24)  called  by  the  Egyptians 
Rohanu,  and  which  connects  the  Nile  Valley  with  the  Red 
Sea,  above  Koptos  and  Koseir.  The  following  interesting 
facts  are  borrowed  from  this  author  :  Six  expeditions  to 
the  valley  took  place  under  the  reign  of  Darius  from  his 
twenty-sixth  to  thirtieth  years  ;  three  expeditions  under 
Amenemhat  III  (Xllth  dynasty)  ;  only  two  under  Sesos- 
tris  III  ;  and  two  again  under  Ramesses  IV  (XXth  dynasty). 
Under  Sesostris  I  eighty  blocks  were  put  on  the  quay  at 
Koptos  ;  under  Sesostris  II,  two  hundred  blocks.  The 
mode  of  working  is  described  as  follows  :  When  the  com- 
mander of  the  expedition  had  fixed  his  choice  upon  a  boulder 
which  seemed  suitable  for  the  monument  he  had  in  con- 
templation, it  was  pushed  down  the  mountain-side,  thence 
to  be  dragged  by  manual  power.  But  as  the  success  of  this 
operation  was  often  preceded  by  several  failures  in  conse- 
quence of  the  stone  breaking  in  the  course  of  its  downward 
rush,  in  the  year  19  of  Amenemhat  III,  the  clerk  of  the 
works,  Meri,  conceived  the  idea  of  building  up  an  inclined 
ramp,  which  made  it  possible  for  him  to  transport  six  statues. 
The  commemorative  inscriptions  give  information  as  to  the 
number  of  men  required  for  these  expeditions.  The  eighty 
stones  of  Sesostris  I  necessitated  three  shifts,  one  of  two 
thousand,  another  of  five  hundred,  and  the  third  of  a  thousand 
men,  and  the  journey,  which  a  single  caravan  can  now 
accomplish  in  three  days,  was  completed  in  fourteen.  Under 
Mentuhotep  II  (Xlth  dynasty)  three  thousand  men  took 
part  in  an  expedition  sent  out  to  find  suitable  stone  for  the 
cover  of  a  sarcophagus.  On  the  second  day  of  a  certain 
month  the  miraculous  intervention  of  a  gazelle  led  to  the 
discovery  of  the  appropriate  block  ;  on  the  15th  a  com- 
memorative monument  was  erected  ;    on  the  23rd  the  stone 


ELEMENTS   OF  BUILDING  95 

was  successfully  detached  from  the  mountain-side,  and  on 
the  27th  was  ready  to  be  carried  away.  Inscriptions  of 
the  same  kind  are  written  on  the  granite  blocks  of  the  Assuan 
quarries. 

When,  Instead  of  using  blocks  of  stone  already  detached 
from  the  matrix,  the  Egyptians  came  to  work  a  hard  bed  of 
stone,  they  cut  grooves,  marking  out  blocks  of  regular 
measurements,  which  were  parted  from  the  matrix  by  means 
of  wedges  saturated  with  water  or  by  means  of  fire.  On  the 
GIzeh  plateau,  near  the  pyramids,  the  clearest  traces  of 
such  methods  of  working  have  been  found.  (25)  A  typical 
example  Is  furnished  by  the  remains  of  the  workings  of  an 
open  quarry  near  Kertassi  in  Nubia,  (26)  whence  came  the 
majority  of  the  sandstone  blocks  used  in  the  building  of  the 
temples  on  the  Island  of  Phllee.  In  other  places  the  working 
was  accomplished  by  excavating  the  interior  of  the  mountain- 
side, which  gave  rise  to  the  great  chambers  supported  by  a 
series  of  pillars  which  were  left  standing  as  part  of  the  rock 
itself. 

Metals, — Copper  appears  rarely  in  the  form  of  small 
objects  in  the  primitive  tombs  of  Upper  Egypt,  but  is  freely 
used  in  the  Ancient  Empire.  Bronze  is  commonly  employed, 
particularly  from  the  commencement  of  the  Middle  Empire. 
Copper  and  bronze  were  worked  with  the  hammer  or 
cast  in  moulds.  The  Egyptians  made  metal  vases  from 
the  1st  dynasty  onwards,  and  copper  statues  from  the  Vlth 
dynasty. 

The  use  of  iron  is  quite  exceptional,  but  gold,  electrum 
and  silver  were  frequently  used  in  jewellery  and  in  inlay- 
work.  Iron  was  not  freely  employed  until  Roman  times. 
Copper  came  from  Sinai,  and  the  precious  metals  chiefly 
from  the  region  of  the  Upper  Nile. 

Various  Materials, — Industrial  art  made  use  of  quite  a 
number  of  other  materials  :  ivory,  leather,  wicker-work,  and 
vitreous  pastes.  It  is  as  well  to  observe  that  transparent 
glass  and  blown  glass  did  not  make  their  appearance  until 
the  Roman  Period. 

Use  of  Materials  in  Architecture, — The  Egyptians  often 
combined  different  materials  :    brick  and  wood  or  brick  and 


96  EGYPTIAN    ART 

stone.  The  great  brick  tomb  of  Naqada  was  roofed  with 
wooden  joists.  In  many  temples  the  main  construction 
was  of  brickwork,  whilst  stone  was  reserved  for  door-frames. 
Sometimes,  again,  the  first  part  of  a  building  is  constructed 
of  bricks,  whilst  the  centre  or  posterior  chambers  are  of 
stone.  Different  kinds  of  stone  may  be  employed  in  one 
and  the  same  building.  The  core,  for  example,  is  of  lime- 
stone and  the  casing  of  granite.  We  may  instance  the  fine 
granite  doorway  of  the  temple  of  Deir-el-Bahari,  made  of 
three  huge  blocks  which  are  framed  by  walls  of  white  lime- 
stone. In  the  temple  of  Sahure  at  Abusir  the  pavements 
and  lower  chambers  are  of  basalt,  the  walls  of  limestone, 
and  the  columns  and  door-frames  of  granite. 

Sometimes  an  edifice,  built  on  to  the  side  of  a  mountain, 
is  continued  into  the  interior  of  it,  one  portion  of  its  chambers 
being  then  an  excavation.  The  temple  of  Wady-es-Sebua  (27) 
displays  two  courts,  with  their  containing  walls  and  pylons 
of  brickwork  ;  the  third  court,  as  well  as  its  pylon  of  stone, 
and  the  hypostyle  hall  and  sanctuary  excavated  in  the 
mountain.  When  an  edifice  is  built  partly  in  front  of  a 
mountain  and  partly  hewn  into  it,  it  constitutes  what  is 
known  as  a  hemispeos  ;  the  temple  of  Wady-es-Sebua  is 
one  example,  that  of  Deir-el-Bahari  is  another. 

Again,  an  edifice  may  be  entirely  rock-hewn.  The 
largest  temple  of  Ramesses  II,  that  of  Abusimbel,  is  the 
best-known  of  the  type  to  which  the  name  speos  has  been 
applied.  This  kind  of  excavation  was  used  mainly  for 
tombs,  which  the  Egyptians  hewed  in  great  numbers  in  the 
mountain-sides.  Later  on  we  shall  meet  with  examples, 
of  which  the  tombs  of  Beni-Hasan  are  certainly  the  most 
celebrated  examples.  It  is  quite  possible  that  small  buildings 
of  brick  were  constructed  against  the  mountains,  but  if  so 
all  traces  of  them  have  entirely  disappeared. 

In  some  places  rock-cut  tombs  have  been  left  unfinished, 
and  by  their  means  we  can  trace  the  method  of  working 
employed  by  the  ancient  Egyptians.  They  began  by  cutting 
the  upper  part,  which  was  completed  before  deepening  the 
excavation  down  to  floor-level.  Thus  in  certain  tombs 
finished  columns  may  be  seen   in  one  half  of  a  chamber, 


PLATE  XXV 


WINDOWS  IN  THE  HYPOSTYLE  HALL  AT  KARNAK 


PLATE  XXVI 


.'■^'5*!!^ 


<fc.    ^■- 


THE  GREAT  TEMPLE  OF  HORUS  AT  EDFU 


PLATE  XXVII 


i.'  iU[f^^gyi\l 


PROPYLON  OF  THE  TEMPLE  OF  KHONSU  AT  KARNAK 


PLATE  XXVIII 


SECOND  HYPOSTYLE  HALL  OF  THE  TEMPLE 
OF  SETI  I  AT  ABYDOS 


ELEMENTS   OF  BUILDING  97 

whilst  in  the  other  half  only  the  upper  portion  has  been  cut 
out  of  the  mass  of  rock.  (28) 

Dressing. — In  stone  buildings  the  walls  are  usually  made 
with  clean-cut  joints  without  ties  of  any  sort.  Sometimes, 
however,  metal  clamps  were  used  or  dovetails  of  sycomore- 
wood.  (29)  When  mortar  was  used,  it  consisted  of  lime 
or  of  sand  and  lime  mixed  ;  in  late  times  it  was  made  of 
sand  or  of  lime  and  pounded  bricks.  The  exterior  dressing 
is  sometimes  regular,  but  just  as  often  irregular,  blocks  of 
very  different  sizes  being  laid  one  beside  the  other.  The 
irregularity  of  this  dressing  was  concealed  beneath  a  coating 
of  plaster  which  gave  the  wall  a  homogeneous  appearance. 

Foundations. — Generally    the    foundations    are    of    very 
slight   depth.     The  soil   of  the   Nile  Valley,   compact  and 
tough,  undergoes  contraction  when  the  waters  recede,  which 
leaves    it    incapable    of   compression  :     the    weight    of  the 
materials  causes  it  to  attain  its  maximum  degree  of  settle- 
ment and  assures  a  firm  seating  for  the  building.     Unhappily, 
owing  to   the  progressive  raising  of  the  Nile  Valley,  infil- 
trated water  is  reaching  the  foundations  of  edifices  more  and 
more,  and  their  solidity  is  thus  seriously  threatened.     During 
recent  years  the   Egyptian   Service  of  Antiquities  has  had 
to  contend  against  the  risks  of  destruction  of  the  Egyptian 
temples  whose  foundations  had  been  weakened  in  this  way. 
One  can  see,  for  example,  by  a  photograph  of  one  of  the 
walls  of  the  temple  of  Debod  in  Nubia,  (30)  taken  before 
the  works  of  restoration  were  carried  out,  how  the  building 
was  sinking  into  the  shifting  soil  and  the  lower  parts  of  the 
walls  falling  into  ruin.     The  same  state  of  affairs  obtained 
at  Maharraka.  (31)     The  exterior  walls  were  decaying  and 
exposing  the  inner  parts  of  the  building,  and,  if  strict  measures 
had  not  been  taken  in  good  time,  the  rows  of  columns  would 
have  fallen  over  like  a  set  of  ninepins. 

The  texts  and  bas-reliefs  afford  numerous  details  as  to 
the  foundation  ceremonies  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians.  (32) 
The  king,  accompanied  by  priests  and  priestesses  who 
impersonated  divinities,  laid  the  first  stone,  made  an  offering 
to  the  gods  of  specimens  of  the  building  materials,  and 
consecrated  under  the  angles  foundation  deposits  consisting 

7 


98  EGYPTIAN   ART 

of  pottery,  model  tools,  amulets,  and  tablets  bearing  com- 
memorative inscriptions.  (33) 

Technical  Processes. — When  one  considers  the  great  size 
of  the  materials  used  by  the  ancient  Egyptians  in  their 
monuments — stones  of  huge  size,  statues  and  sarcophagi  of 
almost  fabulous  weight — one  cannot  help  asking  how  they 
managed  to  place  in  position  such  huge  masses.  In  the 
pyramid-temple  of  Khephren  granite  blocks  will  be  observed 
in  the  vestibule,  weighing  38  and  42  tons,  and  in  one  case 
150  tons.  In  the  temple  itself  on  the  plateau,  there  is  one 
granite  block  of  a  cubic  capacity  of  more  than  170  cubic 
metres  and  a  weight  exceeding  400  tons.  (34)  The  archi- 
traves to  the  hypostyle  hall  at  Karnak  measure  over  9  metres 
in  length,  their  cubic  volume  is  31  cubic  metres,  and  their 
weight  60  tons.  The  pillars  in  the  Osireion  at  Abydos 
weigh  90  tons.  (35)  The  celebrated  sarcophagi  of  the 
sacred  bulls  in  the  Serapeum  at  Memphis  weigh  60  tons.  (36) 
The  colossus  of  Ramesses  II,  which  lies  shattered  in  the 
courtyard  of  the  Ramesseum  at  Thebes,  was  I7'5  metres 
in  height  and  weighed  more  than  1,000  tons. 

How  did  the  Egyptians  manage  to  transport  and  set 
in  position  such  huge  masses  ?  The  mechanical  appliances 
which  they  had  at  their  disposal,  as  far  as  we  know  them, 
seem  to  have  been  very  limited.  A  machine  for  irrigation 
purposes,  similar  to  the  modern  shadouf,  proves  at  least  that 
they  understood  the  functions  of  levers.  We  shall  presently 
see  that  they  probably  also  knew  the  action  of  the  crane, 
but  in  most  cases  it  seems  clear  that  they  used  nothing  but 
the  power  of  human  arms. 

Pictures  of  dragging  blocks  of  stone  or  monuments  are 
rare,  and  they  are  generally  concerned  with  the  transport 
of  funerary  statues  of  no  great  size.  They  were  placed  on 
sledges  drawn  by  a  gang  of  men,  and  the  gliding  was  assisted 
by  watering  the  ground.  Upon  one  stele  in  a  quarry,  as 
an  exception,  a  block  of  stone  is  seen  on  a  sledge  drawn 
by  oxen.  (37)  In  the  temple  of  Deir-el-Bahari  a  bas-relief 
is  devoted  to  the  transport  of  two  great  obelisks  of  Queen 
Hatshepsut.  The  two  monuments  are  laid  end  to  end 
upon  the  same  barge  towed  by  a  regular  flotilla  of  boats.  (38) 


ELEMENTS   OF  BUILDING 


99 


The  tomb  of  Tehuti-hetep  at  El-Bersheh  contains  the 
celebrated  scene  of  the  transport  of  a  colossus.  (39)  It  may- 
be gathered  from  the  accompanying  texts  that  this  alabaster 
statue  weighed  about  50  tons.  It  is  placed  upon  a  sledge 
drawn  by  172  men.  It  is  probably  incorrect  to  imagine 
that  the  Egyptian  draughtsmen  wished  to  represent  the 
exact  number  of  men  required  for  the  transport  ;  they  merely 
sought  to  convey  the  impression  of  a  great  number  of  men 
pulling  simultaneously  at  the  ropes  which  gave  the  motive 
power  to  the  sledge,  for  in  this  case  172  men  would  scarcely 
make  up  a  sufficient  crew.  We  have  actually  seen,  in 
connection  with  working  the  quarries,  the  mention  of  very 
high  numbers.  The  composer  of  the  inscription  perhaps 
tried  to  rectify  the  discrepancy  between  the  weight  and  the 
number  of  men  who  shifted  it  by  stating  that  their  enthusiasm 
was  so  great  that  each  man  pulled  like  a  thousand. 

A  passage  in  the  Papyrus  Anastasi  No.  i  (40)  would  be 
of  first-rate  importance  for  the  study  of  these  questions,  if 
it  were  possible  to  solve  with  greater  accuracy  the  different 
problems  enunciated  by  the  technical  terms  employed.  A 
scribe  writing  a  sarcastic  letter  to  one  of  his  rivals  sets  him 
some  constructional  problems  which  he  hopes  his  rival  will 
be  quite  unequal  to  solving.  The  principal  question  is 
concerned  with  a  brick  ramp  which  had  to  serve  for  the 
erection  of  an  obelisk.  It  would  seem  that  the  Egyptians 
frequently  made  use  of  these  ramps,  and  excavations  amongst 
Ancient  Empire  monuments  have  sometimes  led  to  the 
discovery  of  traces  of  them. 

The  selfsame  system  was  revived,  in  our  own  times,  by 
Legrain,  in  the  works  of  reconstruction  and  consolidation 
which  he  carried  out  in  the  hypostyle  hall  at  Karnak.  The 
problem,  a  difficult  one,  was  to  make  good  the  foundations 
of  the  columns  which  had  shifted,  but  in  order  to  do  that 
he  had  first  to  lift  off  the  architraves  and  then  in  succession 
the  stone  drums  of  which  the  pillars  were  built  ;  it  was 
not  until  this  had  been  done  that  it  became  possible  to  reset 
the  foundations  solidly  in  concrete,  then  to  refit  the  suc- 
cessive parts  of  the  columns  and  replace  the  architraves. 
These  latter  were,  as  we  have  seen,  blocks  of  very  consider- 


loo  EGYPTIAN   ART 

able  weight  and  size.  Legrain  had  recourse  to  the  following 
method  :  he  filled  up  the  hall  with  earth  and  sand  to  the 
level  of  the  architraves,  he  then  made  an  inclined  plane,  and 
succeeded  in  sliding  the  blocks  off  on  rollers  one  after  another 
down  to  the  ground  level  ;  and  afterwards,  by  reversing 
the  process,  he  accomplished  the  restoration  in  perfect  order. 
Never,  however,  was  any  other  power  employed  than  the 
muscles  of  his  Karnak  workmen. 

Against  the  inner  face  of  the  great  pylon  of  Karnak 
were  discovered  the  remains  of  brick  stagings  which  were 
used  in  the  course  of  its  building.  (41)  As  a  stone  edifice 
rose  up,  so  it  was  surrounded  in  one  way  or  another  by 
another  construction  of  crude  bricks  which  rose  up  step 
by  step  in  time  with  it,  forming  a  sort  of  gigantic  staircase 
on  which  the  materials  were  raised  without  excessive  difficulty. 
When  the  builders  had  reached  the  top  of  the  walls  the 
edifice  was  hidden  from  view  within  this  casing  of  crude 
bricks,  and  now  began  the  work  of  the  sculptors  who  had 
to  complete  the  decorative  work.  In  proportion  to  the 
advancement  of  their  work,  the  brick  scaffolding  was  taken 
down  stage  by  stage.  It  is  thus  that  in  an  angle  of  the 
court  of  the  Bubastides  at  Karnak,  where  the  capitals  of  the 
portico  are  only  rough-hewn,  the  columns  are  still  masked 
in  a  mass  of  crude  bricks. 

In  Choisy's  work  (42)  on  the  art  of  building  of  the 
Egyptians  will  be  found  mention  of  an  apparatus  known  as 
the  oscillating  elevator,  which  must  have  assisted  the  Egyp- 
tians in  the  erection  of  their  monuments.  Models  of  this 
contrivance  have  been  found  with  other  models  of  tools  in 
the  foundation  deposits  of  several  temples. 

We  know  from  a  Saqqara  tomb  of  the  Persian  period 
that  in  some  cases  the  Egyptians  made  use  of  sand  in  the 
process  of  setting  in  position  the  colossal  lid  of  a  sarco- 
phagus. (43)  There  we  see  a  most  ingenious  arrangement 
of  cavities  filled  with  sand  in  which  rested  the  ends  of  the 
posts  which  upheld  the  lid.  By  letting  out  the  sand  from 
below,  the  posts  sank  slowly  down  in  the  cavities,  and  finally 
lowered  the  lid  into  its  place  with  great  precision. 

Borchardt  has  called  attention  to  the  presence  of  grooves 


ELEMENTS   OF   BUILDING  loi 

in  the  upper  part  of  the  pedestals  of  obelisks  and  statues.  (44) 
Of  these  grooves,  some  served  to  prevent  the  monument 
from  slipping  during  its  sharp  movement,  whilst  others  were 
probably  employed  in  the  use  of  a  system  of  stops  to  hold  the 
mass  in  its  place  during  erection. 

M.  Holscher,  in  his  careful  architectural  study  of  the 
temple  of  Khephren  at  Gizeh,  has  observed  a  whole  series 
of  indications  by  which  we  can  reconstruct  the  very  ingenious 
working  of  grips  for  lifting  blocks  operated  by  means  of  a 
crane.  (45) 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1.  Petri e,  W,  M.  F.,  The  Sources  and  Growth  of  Architecture  in  Egypt, 
in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Institute  of  British  Architects,  Third  Series,  vol.  viii., 
n.  14,  1901,  pp.  341  sqj.  The  Arts  and  Crafts  of  Ancient  Egyptians,  Edin- 
burgh and  London,  1909,  p.  63.  See  for  another  explanation  Lethaby,  W.  R.^ 
Architecture  (Home  University  Library),  London,  p.  29. 

2.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Givceh  and  Rifeh.     London,  1907. 

3.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas  zur  altagyptischen  Kulturgeschichte,  Leipzig, 
1914,  pi.  60. 

4.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  The  Life  of  Rekhmara,  London,  1900,  pi.  XXI. 

5.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Egyptian  Bricks,  in  the  Journal  of  the  Archceological 
Institute,  vol.  40,  1882  {J' he  Domestic  Remains  of  Ancient  Egypt). 

6.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Abydos,  Part  II,  London,  1903,  p.  20. 

7.  Choisy,  A.,  V Art  de  bdtir  chez.  les  Egyptiens,  Paris,  1904,  p.  41. 

8.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  ^gyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i., 
pi.    46. 

9.  Choisy,  A.,  op.  cit.,  p,  13. 

10.  Reisner,  G.  A.,  The  Early  Dynastic  Cemeteries  of  Naga-ed-Der,  Leipzig, 
1908,  pi.  65^, 

11.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Medum,  London,  1892,  pi.  VII. 

12.  Garstang,  J.,  Tombs  of  the  Third  Egyptian  Dynasty,  London,  1904, 
pi.  14. 

13.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Dendereh,  London,  1900,  Frontispiece. 

14.  Choisy,  A.,  loc.  cit.,  pi.  XI ;  Baraize,  E.,  Diblaiement  du  Ramesseum, 
in  the  Annales  du  Service  des  Antiquitis,  t.  viii.,  1907,  pp.  198  sqq. 

15.  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  thibains,  Paris,  1920,  pL  36 
n.  2. 

16.  Ibid.,  pi.  35,  n.  I  and  2. 

17.  Maspero,  G.,  Les  Temples  immergis  de  la  Nubie.  Rapports  relatifs 
a  la  consolidation  des  temples,  Cairo,  19 11,  pi.  CXXIX,  b. 

18.  Daressy,  G.,  Notice  explicative  des  mines  de   Me  dine  t  Habou,  Cairo, 

1897,  PP-  35-36. 


102  EGYPTIAN   ART 

19.  Pieron,  H.,  Un  Tom  beau  ^gyptien  a  coupole  sur  pendent  if s^  in  the  Bulletin 
de  rinstitut  franfais  d^archhlogie  orientate,  Cairo,  t.  vi.,  1908,  pp.  173-177 
and  plate. 

20.  Mace,  A.  C,  in  Randall-Maclver,  D.,  and  A.  C.  Mace,  El  Amrah 
and  Jbydos,  London,  1903,  p.  65  and  pi.  XXVIII. 

21.  Petrie,  W,  M.  F.,  Abydos,  Part  II,  London,  1903,  pi.  VIII. 

22.  Maspero,  G.,  The  Dawn  of  Civilizationy  5th  edition,  London,  1910, 
p.    243. 

23.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  Part  II,  pi.   19. 

24.  Couyat,  J.,  et  P.  Montet,  Les  Inscriptions  hiiroglyphiques  et  hihatiques 
du  Ouddi  Hammdmdt,  Cairo,   191 2. 

25.  Holscher,  U.,  Dai  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Chephren,  Leipzig,  191 2, 

fig-  19'  P-  33- 

26.  Roder,  G.,  Debod  bis  Bab  Kalabsche,  Cairo,  191 1,  pi.  dd. 

27.  Gauthier,  H.,  Le  Temple  de  Ouddi  es-Seboua,  Cairo,  191 2,  pi.  A. 

28.  Bouriant,  U.,  G.  Legrain,  et  G.  Jequier,  Monuments  pour  servir  a 
r^tude  du  culte  d'' Atonou  en  Egypte,  Cairo,  1903,  pi.  XXXVI. 

29.  Leemans,  C,  Aegyptische  Monumenten  von  het  nederlandsche  Museen  te 
Leyden,  II,  Leyden,  1846,  pi.  89,  n.  149. 

30.  Maspero,  G.,  Les  Temples  immergh  de  la  Nubie.  Rapports  relatifs  a  la 
consolidation  des  temples,  Cairo,  191 1,  pi.  XLII. 

31.  Ibid.,  pis.  XCIX-CI. 

32.  Lefebure,  E.,  Rites  igyptiens.  Construction  et  protection  des  Edifices, 
Paris,   1890. 

33.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Koptos,  London,  1896,  pi.  XVI;  Abydos,  Part  II, 
London,  1903,  pis.  LXII-LXIII ;  Naville,  E.,  The  Temple  of  Deir-el-Bahari, 
Part  VI,  London,  1908,  pi.  CLXVIII,  etc. 

34.  Holscher,  U.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Chephren,  Leipzig,  191 2, 
pp.  40  and  52. 

35.  Borchardt,  L.,  Die  diesfdhrigen  Ausgrabungen  des  englischen  Egypt 
Exploration  Fund  in  Aegypten  (191 3-14)  in  Klio,  191  5,  pp.  498  sqq. 

36.  Linant-bey,  Poids  d'un  des  sarcophages  de  la  Tom  be  d'Apis,  in  Mariette, 
A.,  Le  Sirapeum  de  Memphis,  Paris,  1882,  p.  113. 

37.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  Part  III,  pi.  3. 

38.  Na\'ille,  E.,  Transport  of  Obelisks,  in  the  Archceological  Report  of  the 
Egypt  Exploration  Fund,  1 895-1896,  pp.  6-13  and  plate. 

39.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  El  Bersheh,  Part  I,  London,  1894,  pi.  XV. 

40.  Gardiner,  A.  H.,  Egyptian  Hieratic  Texts,  Part  I,  Leipzig,  191 1, 
pp.  3i*-34*  ;  Barber,  F.  M.,  An  Ancient  Egyptian  Mechanical  Problem,  in 
The  Open  Court,  Chicago,  December  1912. 

41.  Choisy,  A.,  V Art  de  bdtir  chez  les  Egyptiens,  Paris,  1904,  p.  89. 

42.  Ibid.,  pp.   80  sqq. 

43.  Barsanti,  A.,  Note  sur  le  procidi  qui  servait  a  descendre  sur  le  cuve  le 
gros  convercle  des  sarcophages  en  calcaire,  in  the  Annales  du  Service  des  Anti- 
quites,  t.  i.,  1900,  pp.  283-284. 

Capart,  Jean,  Un  proble'me  de  micanique  dgyptienne,  in  the  Annales  de  la  Sociiti 
d^archiolcgie  de  Bruxelles,  t.  xv,  1901,  pp.  232-235. 

44.  Borchardt,  L.,  Zur  Baugeschichte  des  Amenstempels  von  Karnak,  in 


ELEMENTS   OF   BUILDING  103 

the  Untersuchungen  xur  Geschichte  und  Altertumshmde  Aegjptens,  by  Sethe, 
t.  v.,  Leipzig,  191 2,  pp.  15-17;  Die  Auf stalking  der  Memnonkolosse,  in  the 
Zeitic/irift  fiir  Jegyptisc/ie  Spracke,  t.  xlv.,  1908,  pp.  32-34. 

45.  Holscher,  U.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  C/iepkren,  Leipzig,  191 2, 
pp.   74-76. 

See  too  for  the  questions  of  Egyptian  mechanics : 

Barber,  F.  M.,  The  Mechanical  Triumphs  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians,  London, 
1900,  and  Zimmer,  G.  F.,  Engineering  of  Antiquity,  London,  no  date  (19 14). 


CHAPTER   VII 

FUNDAMENTAL  FORMS   IN 
ARCHITECTURE 

The  Pillar. 

WE  must  now  endeavour  to  define  as  far  as  possible 
the  general  characters  of  Egyptian  architecture. 
If  we  consider  as  a  whole  the  monuments  which 
have  been  preserved,  we  are  immediately  struck  by  the 
fact  that  the  architecture  of  Ancient  Egypt  has  produced 
above  all  massive  structures  with  little  exterior  architectural 
adornment.  The  forms  may  be  said  to  be  of  the  simplest  : 
thus  in  the  pyramid  or  the  mastaba  the  outer  walls  slope 
inwards,  and  end,  in  the  first  case,  in  an  apex,  and,  in  the 
second  case,  in  a  rectangular  platform  of  an  area  less  than 
that  of  the  base  of  the  monument.  The  architectural  masses, 
on  the  contrary,  may  be  looked  upon  as  complexes,  in  the 
sense  that  buildings  may  present  a  series  of  constructions 
of  different  sizes  abutting  one  upon  another  :  thus  upon 
the  pyramid  or  mastaba  abut  the  buildings  which  constitute 
the  temples  or  funerary  chapels.  In  Borchardt's  restoration 
of  the  temple  of  Sahure  (i)  will  be  found  a  typical  example 
of  this  aspect  of  architecture.  One  will  be  struck  by  the 
paucity  of  openings  :  a  few  slits  in  the  walls  serve  as  windows, 
and  a  great  rectangle  cut  out  of  the  roof  marks  out  the  portico 
court. 

The  only  ornamentations  noticeable  at  first  sight  are 
the  cornices  and  the  torus,  and  even  these  have  no  true 
value  as  ornaments,  since  they  are  derived  from  the  process 
of  building.     This  kind  of  decoration  appears  on  the  tops 

of  the  walls  as  well  as  over  doorways.     The  cornice  was 

104 


PLATE  XXIX 


SECTION  OF  THE  TEMPLE  OF  HATHOR  AT  DENDERA 


PLATE  XXX IT 


GRANITE  PILLARS  ORNAMENTED  BY   TLORAL   DEVICES 

AT  KARNAK 


FORMS   IN  ARCHITECTURE  105 

often  surmounted  by  a  frieze  of  sacred  serpents  or  rearing 
UTcei^  their  heads  crowned  with  the  solar  disk.  In  the  gorge 
were  designed  palm-leaves  or  a  series  of  royal  cartouches. 
The  winged  disk,  commonly  placed  on  the  door-lintels, 
sometimes  spreads  widely  over  the  gorge  itself.  (2) 

An  element  whose  outline  breaks  the  monotony  of  the 
great  buildings  is  the  pylon,  which  consists  of  a  doorway 
flanked  by  two  high  towers.  The  towers  probably  owe  their 
form  to  the  storied  buildings  in  mud  or  brick  :  Egyptian 
architecture  in  Upper  Egypt  copies  this  arrangement  even 
in  our  own  times.  We  may  observe  that  in  the  temple  of 
Abusimbel  recent  excavations  have  led  to  the  discovery  of  a 
little  sanctuary  the  general  form  of  which  reproduces  the 
arrangement  of  the  pylon,  but  without  a  door.  (3)  One  is 
tempted  to  question  whether  the  door  is  really  an  essential 
element  in  the  pylon,  or  whether  the  anomaly  shown  in  the  case 
of  the  Abusimbel  temple  can  be  explained  by  some  local 
peculiarity.  In  most  temples,  at  least  from  the  time  of  the 
New  Empire,  the  pylon  becomes  the  dominating  feature 
under  the  form  of  a  gigantic  portal,  whose  towers  exceed  in 
height  the  level  of  all  the  surrounding  structures. 

The  great  pylon  of  the  Edfu  temple  (4)  affords  an  oppor- 
tunity of  analysing  the  general  form  and  of  seeing  par- 
ticularly how  the  door,  conceived  as  a  separate  element, 
is  sandwiched  in  between  two  great  lateral  piles.  In  the 
faces  of  each  of  these  long  vertical  grooves  rise  nearly  to 
mid-height  ;  and  above,  rectangular  openings  are  pierced 
right  through  the  masonry.  Originally  long  wooden  masts 
were  set  in  these  grooves,  where  they  were  fixed  by  means 
of  cables  passing  through  the  openings.  Several  bas-reliefs 
give  very  precise  representations  of  this.  (5)  These  masts, 
wrapped  about  by  a  kind  of  bandage  and  set  up  before  the 
pylon,  seem  to  have  served  as  emblems  or  badges  denoting 
sacred  buildings,  if  it  be  true,  as  there  is  every  reason  to 
think,  that  the  hieroglyphic  sign  for  "  god "  in  Egypt 
represents  a  mast  surmounted  by  one  or  several  bandages 
as  a  flap.  In  each  of  the  towers  a  staircase  of  forty-two 
steps  gives  access  to  the  platform  above.  Small  openings 
serve  to  light  the  stairway  passage. 


io6  EGYPTIAN   ART 

The  monumental  doorways  which  stand  in  front  of  the 
pylons  are  called  propylons,  and  they  are  chiefly  known 
in  connection  with  the  Ptolemaic  period.  At  the  present 
day  they  appear  isolated,  although  they  really  formed  the 
entrances  to  the  great  boundary  walls  of  brick  which  marked 
out  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  temple.  Their  form  is  identical 
with  that  of  the  doorways  in  the  interior  of  the  edifices  ; 
it  is  probably  merely  by  chance  that  we  find  them  only  in 
late  times. 

The  thickness  or  embrasure  of  Egyptian  doorways  is 
generally  very  deep.  Recesses  were  sunk  in  the  thickness 
to  receive  the  open  leaves  of  the  door.  An  example  at 
Wady-es-Sebua  is  interesting  in  connection  with  the  decora- 
tion which  was  placed  upon  the  embrasures.  (6)  The  door 
of  the  sanctuary  was  a  single  one,  and  on  the  side  to  which 
it  was  hinged  and  on  to  which  it  opened  back  it  sufficed 
to  inscribe  a  series  of  royal  titles  ;  but  on  the  opposite  side, 
which  was  never  hidden  by  the  open  door,  a  figure  of  the 
god  of  the  sanctuary  was  drawn  coming  out  to  meet  the 
king,  extending  a  hand  towards  him  and  holding  the  symbol 
of  life  to  his  nostrils. 

Looking  down  the  principal  axis  of  an  Egyptian  temple, 
through  all  the  doorways,  which  are  generally  set  in  line, 
a  progressive  rise  in  the  ground-level  is  noticed.  This 
change  of  level  may  be  scarcely  noticeable,  as,  for  instance, 
at  Kalabshi,  (7)  where  a  gentle  slope  before  each  door  com- 
pensates for  this  difference  in  plane.  In  other  temples  the 
elevation  is  more  considerable,  and  necessitates  a  system  of 
ramps  or  stairs,  as,  for  example,  at  Deir-el-Bahari  (8)  or  at 
Wady-es-Sebua.  (9)  Here  the  first  stone  pylon  is  erected 
on  a  terrace  which  is  reached  by  a  wide  stairway  ;  the  second 
pylon  is  placed  upon  a  less  elevated  terrace,  access  to  which 
is  again  given  by  a  staircase,  divided  into  two  bays  by  a  ramp 
between  them.  (10)  It  is  probable  that  this  type  of  double 
staircase  with  a  central  ramp  was  brought  about  by  the 
exigencies  of  moving  the  sacred  shrines,  which  were  brought 
out  from  the  inner  chambers  of  the  temple  on  the  occasion 
of  certain  festivals. 

The  difference  of  level  might  have  been  explained  by 


FORMS   IN  ARCHITECTURE  107 

the  lie  of  the  land  itself  were  it  not  that  we  meet  with  it 
where  there  is  no  sign  of  a  cause  to  require  it.  Thus,  in 
the  court  of  the  temple  of  Khonsu  at  Karnak,  one  gets  the 
impression  at  first  sight  that  all  the  columns  are  of  the  same 
model  and  of  the  same  dimensions.  The  architraves  which 
they  uphold  run  at  an  even  height  on  closer  inspection. 
However,  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  columns  at  the  lower 
end  of  the  court  are  longer  by  several  inches  than  those  at 
the  upper  end.  This  is,  to  our  ideas,  an  offence  against 
good  taste  and  the  notions  of  symmetry.  The  fact  is  strange 
enough,  but  it  appears  to  be  more  so  when  this  elevation  is 
made,  not  in  a  courtyard,  but  within  a  great  hall.  In  the 
second  hypostyle  hall  of  the  temple  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos  (11) 
the  two  first  rows  of  columns  are  at  one  level  and  the  third 
at  another,  slightly  higher  :  ramps,  placed  at  regular  intervals, 
take  up  the  difference.  Even  in  the  internal  parts  of  a  build- 
ing where  the  floor  spaces  are  extremely  confined  an  elevation 
of  the  ground  will  be  noticed  from  door  to  door,  for  example, 
in  the  rooms  which  immediately  precede  the  sanctuary  at 
Edfu.  The  central  naos  occupies  the  highest  level,  and  one 
might  well  ask  if  this  is  not  indeed  the  end  at  which  the 
architects  aimed — an  end  which  was  so  important  to  them 
as  to  waive  all  other  considerations. 

The  upward  movement  of  the  ground-level  has  its 
counterpart  in  the  inverse  movement  of  the  roof-level, 
which  is  particularly  noticeable  at  Edfu.  It  will  be  observed 
that  a  rather  high  wall  forms  a  parapet  around  the  posterior 
part  of  the  temple,  forming  an  esplanade  entirely  hidden  from 
prying  eyes  without.  We  must  observe  that  it  was  upon 
this  esplanade  that  were  constructed  little  shrines  used  in  the 
cult-ceremonies  performed  in  the  open  air  but  quite  screened 
from  the  profane  gaze. 

Ceilings  were  formed  by  great  slabs  resting  on  the 
architraves.  The  Egyptians,  by  the  decoration  of  their 
ceilings,  sought  as  far  as  possible  to  suppress  the  notion 
that  the  edifice  was  shut  in  on  its  upper  part.  They  actually 
painted  on  the  slabs  the  blue  sky  sprinkled  with  stars,  or 
sometimes  they  designed  large  figures  of  birds  in  flight.  (12) 

The    drainage    of    rain-water    was     regulated    by    the 


io8  EGYPTIAN   ART 

arrangement  of  the  slabs,  which  were  sometimes  gently 
inclined  or  even  cut  out  in  a  manner  appropriate  to  the 
purpose.  The  water,  which  was  drawn  off  in  a  prevailing 
direction  by  this  means,  poured  out  through  a  series  of 
gargoyles.  We  find  them  in  the  temples  of  late  period,  (13) 
where  they  occur  in  the  form  of  the  forequarters  of  lions 
whose  bodies  are  merged  in  the  wall  at  a  fixed  height  exactly 
corresponding  with  the  level  of  the  roof-slabs,  which  are 
bordered  by  rather  a  high  parapet.  A  hole  and  a  spout 
cut  between  the  paws  of  the  animal  allow  the  water  to  pour 
off.  A  few  years  ago  a  fragment  of  a  similar  gargoyle  was 
discovered  at  the  solar  temple  of  Abu-Gorab,  of  the  Vth 
dynasty,  attesting  the  antiquity  of  this  type.  (14) 

The  lighting  of  the  interior  chambers  is  effected  by 
narrow  slits  pierced  in  the  walls  or  by  splayed  openings  in 
the  roofing  stones,  or  again  by  the  use  of  true  windows. 
Thus,  in  the  vestibule  of  the  temple  of  Khephren,  (15)  the 
granite  blocks  which  form  the  top  of  the  lateral  walls  have 
been  so  carved  as  to  admit  beams  of  light  into  the  hypostyle 
hall.  One  might  almost  ask  if  this  latter  method  did  not 
lead  the  architects  towards  the  idea  of  slightly  lifting  the 
roofing  slabs.  By  making  them  rest  on  blocks  interposed 
here  and  there  between  the  ceiling  and  the  tops  of  the  walls 
they  thus  gave  rise  to  a  series  of  square  openings  lighting 
the  hall  from  the  sides.  In  the  case  of  a  hall  with  several 
rows  of  columns  it  was  sufficient  to  revert  to  this  method 
for  the  roofing  slabs  of  the  central  nave,  which  consequently 
led  to  a  difference  in  level  between  the  ceiling  of  the  central 
nave  and  those  of  the  lateral  aisles.  This  may  be  clearly 
discerned  in  the  case  of  the  hypostyle  hall  of  the  Ramesseum 
at  Thebes.  (16)  The  more  pronounced  this  difference  of 
level  becomes,  the  more  the  windows  are  enlarged.  This 
measure  exceeded  itself,  for  after  seeking  to  admit  light 
to  the  interior,  steps  had  to  be  taken  to  prevent  too  great 
an  intensity  of  illumination.  This  is  why  the  opening  of 
the  window  is  filled  with  a  sort  of  grille  carved  out  of  stone, 
which  recalls  the  window-like  constructions  in  the  orna- 
mented stelae.  The  hypostyle  hall  at  Karnak  furnishes  a 
good  example  of  this  type  of  obstructed  window.  (17)     It 


FORMS   IN   ARCHITECTURE  109 

will  be  noticed,  moreover,  that  these  differences  of  level 
which  appear  to  be  dependent  upon  the  practical  exigencies 
of  lighting,  have  given  rise  to  the  basilica  plan  employed 
by  the  Egyptians  at  least  from  the  time  of  the  New 
Empire.  A  hypostyle  hall,  whose  central  nave  is  higher 
than  the  lateral  bays,  actually  unites  the  fundamental  elements 
of  the  basilica,  such  as  was  built  in  later  times  by  the  Greek 
and  Roman  architects.  Hypostyle  halls  were  often  preceded 
by  a  columned  courtyard  and  by  porticoes  which  correspond 
exactly  to  the  atrium  and  narthex  of  Christian  basilicas. 

One  might  believe  that  it  was  likewise  these  practical 
considerations  of  isolation  and  lighting  which  gave  rise  to 
two   architectural   elements  :    the    facade   opening   and    the 
half-door,  which   one  may   see,  for  example,  in   the    facade 
of  the  hypostyle  hall  at  Edfu.  (18)     Instead  of  closing  in 
the  hall  by  an  outer  wall  reaching  up  to  the  ceiling,  the 
builders    contented   themselves   with   building   between   the 
columns  a  wall  of  about  one-third  of  their  height,  but  high 
enough  to  conceal  all  that  went  on  inside  the  hall.     In  this 
case  there  was  no  occasion  to  cause  any  difference  in  level 
between  the  central  and  lateral  bays,  and  the  columns  are 
all  of  equal  size.     In  order  to  close  the  screen  thus  devised 
between  the  court  and  the  hall,  two  masonry  jambs  were  erected 
between  the  two  midmost   columns,  forming  the  embrasure 
of  a  double  door,  with  sufficient  protrusion  towards  the  top 
to  allow  of  the  fitting  of  the  upper  pivots  of  the  doors.     Each 
of  the  buttresses  so  formed  terminates  in  a  cornice,  and  we 
thus  have  a  sort  of  doorway,  but  without  a  lintel.  (19) 

The  necessity  of  roofing-in  spaces  too  broad  to  be  capable 
of  being  spanned  by  a  single  beam,  whether  of  wood  or 
stone,  as  well  as  the  need  to  shade  certain  faq:ades  by  means 
of  a  portico,  has  given  rise  to  architectural  supports — pillars 
and  columns. 

The  pillar,  in  its  simplest  form,  is  derived  directly  from 
the  use  of  materials  in  the  form  of  regular  posts  of  a  given 
height — posts  set  up  vertically  form  pillars  :  laid  hori- 
zontally, they  become  architraves.  This  is  clearly  seen  in 
the  case  of  the  granite  pillars  in  the  vestibule  of  the  temple 
of  Khephren  at  Gizeh.  (20)     Huge  posts  are  set  upright  on 


no  EGYPTIAN   ART 

the  pavement  without  any  kind  of  pedestal  :  the  architraves 
rest  upon  them  without  any  element  interposed  between 
them.  The  erection  thus  formed,  which  already  holds 
solidly  together  by  dint  of  sheer  weight,  is  further  secured 
by  metal  clamps  fastening  the  architraves  end  to  end  at  the 
point  where  they  meet  in  the  centre  of  the  pillar.  (21) 

The  square  pillar,  which  at  Gizeh  is  of  considerable 
thickness,  is  used  in  slenderer  proportions  in  the  temple 
of  Amada  ;  (22)  this  time,  however,  a  slightly  raised  base 
is  interposed  between  the  ground  and  the  pillar,  as  though 
the  aim  were  to  give  by  way  of  support  a  sufficient  splay  to 
prevent  the  earth  being  forced  out  by  the  weight  supported 
above.  This  base,  which  here  has  a  more  or  less  logical 
value,  is  so  raised  in  other  cases  as  to  form  a  true  pedestal, 
in  the  temple  of  Derr,  for  instance,  (23)  where,  however, 
architraves,  pillars  and  pedestals  are  carved  out  of  the 
rock. 

A  small  temple  of  Amenophis  II  at  Karnak  (24)  demon- 
strates the  use  of  square  pillars  surmounted  by  a  cornice. 
This  would  be  quite  admissible  if,  the  pillar  being  con- 
sidered as  a  piece  of  wall,  the  architrave  had  rested  directly 
on  the  upper  edge  of  the  cornice  ;  but  the  Egyptian  archi- 
tects interposed  between  them  a  square  stone,  serving  as 
an  abacus,  which  conveys  the  impression  that  the  pillar 
continues  upwards  inside  the  cornice.  The  same  feature  is 
to  be  found  in  the  tomb  of  Tutu  at  Tell-el-Amarna,  (25) 
where  square  pillars  with  a  cornice  near  the  top  are  of  one 
piece  with  the  wall  and  appear  to  support  the  ends  of 
the  great  cross-beams  ('*  appear  to  support,"  because  in 
reality  the  whole  tomb  is  carved  out  of  the  solid  rock).  In 
connection  with  these  pillars  enclosed  in  a  wall,  it  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  the  exterior  walls  of  the  portico  at  Amada 
are  built  up  as  if  they  were  between  pillars,  thereby  forming, 
both  within  and  without,  a  series  of  panels  separated  by 
pilasters.  (26) 

The  square  pillar  is  often  decorated  with  sculptured  or 
painted  scenes,  generally  depicting  the  king  in  the  presence 
of  some  divinity.  In  the  temple  of  Karnak,  in  front  of  the 
sanctuary,  two  granite  pillars  rear  themselves  which  conform 


FORMS   IN   ARCHITECTURE  iii 

to  this   type,   but  with  this   pecuHarity — that  they   present 
two  faces  ornamented  by  floral  devices  in  very  high  rehef.  (27) 

On  the  southern  pillar  are  the  plants  which  symbolise 
Upper  Egypt,  which  are  called,  for  want  of  a  better  name, 
lilies  ;  the  northern  pillar  displays  the  papyrus  plant,  the 
symbol  of  Lower  Egypt.  It  is  possible — indeed,  several 
archseologists  believe — that  these  pillars  served  as  pedestals 
for  statues  of  gods  ;  might  they  not  have  been,  however, 
the  remains  of  an  ancient  construction  as  Borchardt  would 
have  it  ?(28) 

Some  temples  have  square  pillars  bearing  reliefs  of  the 
sistrum  of  Hathor,  as,  for  instance,  the  small  Ptolemaic  temple 
of  Deir-el-Medineh.  (29) 

It  would  seem  that  the  origin  of  square  pillars  is  to  be 
sought  In  the  craft  of  the  stone-worker.  The  supports 
which  the  quarrymen  have  left  from  place  to  place  to  stay 
up  the  roof  in  quarries  hewn  out  of  the  mountain-side  have 
merely  been  imitated  in  buildings.  When,  on  the  contrary, 
we  meet  with  a  polygonal  pillar,  with  more  or  less  numerous 
faces,  we  are  tempted  to  infer  a  prototype  of  wood.  Indeed, 
we  have  seen  that  the  polygonal  pillar  figures  amongst  the 
ancient  hieroglyphs,  and  that  its  upper  part  ends  in  a  tenon, 
and  further,  that  each  of  its  faces  bears  a  groove  or  channel- 
ling, all  of  which  imply  imitation  of  woodworking. 

The  polygonal  pillar,  in  miniature  size,  is  also  frequently 
reproduced  in  wood  or  ivory.  It  is  to  be  found  combined 
with  other  forms  in  the  hatchwork  of  windows.  Thus,  in 
the  sanctuary  of  Aashait,  in  the  Xlth  dynasty  temple  of  Deir- 
el-Bahari,  (30)  the  painted  stone  imitation  of  a  window- 
grating  displays  a  multitude  of  open-work  devices  :  the 
floral  motif  of  the  ornamented  stelae,  rows  of  falcon  heads, 
the  amulette  called  dad  or  didu,  and  finally  polygonal  pillars, 
placed  in  pairs. 

The  most  ancient  eight-sided  pillar  appears  in  the  tomb 
of  Ptah-hetep  I  at  Saqqara.  (31)  Again,  we  find  it  in  the 
Xlth  dynasty  temple  at  Deir-el-Bahari,  (32)  where  the  stone 
is  sandstone  covered  with  a  whitish  plaster.  The  pillar  at 
Deir-el-Bahari  rests  upon  a  round  basis  sculptured  on  the 
surface  of  a  square  block  which  is  in  one  piece  with  the 


112  EGYPTIAN   ART 

floor-slabs.  The  facade  of  the  tomb  of  Chnumhetep  II 
at  Beni-Hasan  (33)  displays  the  use  of  polygonal  pillars 
with  twelve  faces.  The  top  is  separated  from  the  architrave 
by  a  square  flat  abacus,  which  juts  out  above  the  four  oriented 
faces  of  the  pillar.  (I  call  "  oriented  faces  "  the  four  faces 
which  adjoin  the  ends  of  the  two  axes  of  the  pillar.) 

In  the  New  Empire,  the  polygonal  pillar  is  used  princi- 
pally at  Deir-el-Bahari  and  at  Karnak.  (34)  In  the  colon- 
nade and  porticoes  of  Anubis  at  Deir-el-Bahari  the  sixteen- 
sided  pillars  are  slender  and  of  elegant  proportions,  recalling 
Greek  architecture  perhaps  even  more  than  the  pillars  of 
Beni-Hasan.  Indeed,  we  know  that  Champollion,  and 
other  archaeologists  after  him,  gave  the  name  of  "  Proto- 
doric  "  to  the  Beni-Hasan  pillars.  Without  entering  here 
into  any  discussion  as  to  whether  or  no  Greek  architecture 
owes  anything  to  Egyptian,  we  will  content  ourselves  by 
noting  that  the  architects  of  the  Middle  and  New  Empires 
employed  an  architectural  element  which  at  once  suggests 
the  idea  of  comparison  with  the  forms  of  classic  art.  The 
first  Greek  emigrants  to  reach  Egypt  must  have  seen  these 
monuments  ;  and  can  this  knowledge,  therefore,  have  in  any 
way  favoured  the  development  of  Doric  architecture  ?  It 
would  be  equally  rash  to  affirm  or  to  deny  it  too  summarily, 
for  the  polygonal  pillar  can  quite  easily  be  conceived  to  have 
attained  independent,  though  similar,  development  both  in 
the  Nile  Valley  and  upon  Greek  soil. 

The  pillars  of  the  Anubis  portico  at  Deir-el-Bahari  rest 
upon  circular  bases,  and  the  upper  parts  terminate  in  abaci 
all  cut  in  a  piece  from  the  same  block  from  which  the  sixteen- 
sided  pillar  emerges.  The  surfaces  of  the  four  oriented  faces 
of  the  pillar  are  flush  with  the  faces  of  the  abacus.  In  other 
words,  drawn  in  plan  the  sixteen-sided  polygon  is  described 
exactly  in  the  square  of  the  abacus. 

In  the  temple  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos,  in  the  third  row  of 
columns  in  the  second  hypostyle  hall,  we  come  across  a  new 
and  rather  singular  development.  (25)  The  polygonal  pillar, 
with  its  four  oriented  faces,  absolutely  flat,  is  nevertheless 
transformed  into  a  kind  of  round  pillar,  if  one  might  so 
express  it.     In  point  of  fact,  between  the  four  faces,  where 


PLATE  XXXIII 


PILLARS  IN  THE  SECOND  HYPOSTYLE  HALL 
OF  SETI  I  AT  ABYDOS 


PLATE  XXXIV 


TOMB  OF  AMENI-AMENEMHET  AT  BENI-HASAN 


PLATE  XXXV 


HATHOR  PILLARS  IN  THE  TEMPLE  OF  AMENOPHIS  III 

AT  EL-KAB 


PLATE  XXXVI 


OSIRIAN  PILLARS  FROM  THE  TEMPLE  OF  SESOSTRIS  I  AT  LISHT 
FROM  jfiQUIER,  LES  TEMPLES  MEMPHITES   ET  THliBAINS 


FORMS   IN  ARCHITECTURE  113 

we  ought  to  find  a  certain  number  of  facettes,  all  the  edges 
have  been  rubbed  down  in  such  a  way  as  to  form  an  even 
surface  on  which  fine  reliefs  are  engraved.  These  latter 
are  interrupted  four  times  by  a  long  band  of  inscriptions 
running  from  top  to  bottom  of  the  flat  surfaces,  which,  with 
the  abacus,  are  the  survivals  of  the  primitive  pillar. 

In  all  the  examples  which  we  have  examined  hitherto 
the  faces  of  the  polygonal  pillar  are  plane  surfaces,  which 
would  imply  a  prototype  in  stone,  whilst  the  grooved  pillars 
are  derived  from  the  imitation  of  wood.  One  might  well 
ask,  however,  whether  the  fundamental  form  is  not  after  all 
derived  from  wood  and  that  the  difficulty  of  transposition 
into  stone  led  to  the  suppression  of  the  grooving.  This 
would  be  quite  in  harmony  with  the  ancient  hieroglyphic 
pictures  of  pillars  alluded  to  in  a  previous  chapter. 

In  rare  instances  we  find  stone  pillars  with  grooves  con- 
temporary with  pillars  with  flat  faces.  At  Beni-Hasan,  in 
the  tomb  of  Ameni-Amenemhet  I  (Xllth  dynasty)  there 
is  a  hall  with  four  grooved  pillars  with  sixteen  faces  resting 
on  broad  round  bases.  {2^)  I^  ^^^  fagade  of  the  tomb 
of  Chnumhetep  IV  another  grooved  pillar  with  sixteen  faces 
is  preserved  almost  intact.  (37) 

In  the  temple  of  Ramesses  II,  at  Beit-el- Wall,  (38)  a 
curious  pillar  is  to  be  found  which  seems  to  be  a  compromise 
between  the  two  types  :  it  has  twenty-four  faces,  of  which 
four  are  broad  and  flat  and  twenty  narrow  and  grooved. 
The  four  flat  faces  are  adorned  each  with  a  long  line  of 
inscriptions  which  separates  the  four  groups  of  groovings. 
At  the  uppermost  part,  just  before  the  abacus  is  reached, 
the  difi^erent  faces  come  to  an  end  and  give  place  to  a  smooth 
circular  band.  The  same  thing  will  be  observed  at  the 
lower  end. 

Before  leaving  this  point  we  have  still  to  mention  several 
cases  in  which  masks  of  the  goddess  Hathor  are  attached  to 
the  upper  end  of  the  pillar  ;  for  instance,  in  the  temple  of 
Amenophis  III  at  El  Kab.  (39)  It  will  be  remembered 
that  in  Hathor  sanctuary  at  Deir-el-Bahari  we  called  atten- 
tion, in  connection  with  decorative  architecture,  to  the 
pillars  surmounted  by  heads  of  the  same  goddess,  and  upon 

8 


114  EGYPTIAN  ART 

which  were  fixed  two  protuberances  in  imitation  of  breasts, 
as  well  as  horns. 

There  now  remains  for  our  consideration  a  last  type  of 
pillar — the  Osirian  pillar.  This  name  is  applied  to  these 
pillars  on  account  of  the  great  royal  effigies,  portraying  the 
king  in  the  guise  of  the  god  Osiris,  which  stand  affixed  to 
rectangular  or  square  pillars.  Holscher,  in  his  architectural 
restoration  of  the  temple  of  Khephren  at  Gizeh,  (40)  con- 
siders that  from  certain  indications  the  deduction  may  be 
drawn  that  the  court  was  adorned  with  a  series  of  these 
pillars.  The  most  ancient  specimen  preserved  to  us  dates 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Middle  Empire,  for  the  temple 
of  Sesostris  I  at  Lisht  furnishes  several  instances.  (41)  This 
type  appears  to  have  been  reserved  exclusively  to  the  temples 
dedicated  to  the  cult  of  the  kings.  Amongst  the  most 
celebrated  examples  it  will  suffice  to  cite  the  great  colossi  of 
Ramesses  II  at  the  Ramesseum.  The  king  is  represented 
standing  upright,  with  arms  crossed  over  the  breast  grasping 
the  royal  insignia — sceptre  and  flail — the  body  completely 
wrapped  in  a  shroud,  closely  swathed,  like  the  winding- 
sheet  of  a  mummy.  Side  by  side  with  the  traditional  type, 
the  temple  of  Medinet  Habu  shows  a  curious  variant.  (42) 
In  the  first  court  the  pillars  are  flanked  by  great  figures 
of  the  king,  standing  erect,  clothed  this  time  in  the  garments 
of  the  living  :  the  legs  are  visible  and  detached,  although 
placed  together  instead  of  following  the  usual  attitude  of  the 
statues  in  which  the  left  leg  is  generally  advanced.  At  the 
side  smaller  figures  represent  members  of  the  royal  family. 

We  must  not,  however,  compare  these  Osirian  pillars  to 
caryatides,  for  the  human  figure  plays  no  architectural  part  : 
it  does  not  uphold  the  superstructure,  and  is  simply  placed 
against  a  pillar  which  performs  its  function  independently 
of  the  sculptured  figure.  It  would  seem  that  we  have  nothing 
but  an  artifice  to  replace  the  great  royal  statues  which  adorn 
other  temples  set  up  between  the  columns  of  the  portico  ; 
for  example,  in  the  court  of  Ramesses  II  at  Luxor. 

In  Ethiopian  architecture  the  pillars  are  ornamented 
with  colossal  figures  of  the  god  Bes.  (43) 


FORMS   IN  ARCHITECTURE  115 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Crabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Sa^iu-Re'.  I.  Der  Bau, 
Leipzig,  19 10,  pi.  5. 

2.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  r Art  /gyptieVy  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  55. 

3.  Maspero,  G.,  Les  Temples  immergis  de  la  Nubie.  Rapports  relatifs 
a  la  consolidation  des  temples,  Cairo,  191 1,  pi.  CLIX. 

4.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  67, 

5.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  Part  III,  pi.  243. 

6.  Gauthier,  H.,  Le  Temple  de  Ouadi  es-Seboud,  Le  Caire,  191 2,  pi.  LVIII. 

7.  Gauthier,  H.,  Le  Temple  de  Kalabchah,  Cairo,  191 1,  pi.  LXII^. 

8.  Naville,  E.,  The  Temple  of  Deir-el-Bakari,  Part  VI,  London,  1908, 
pi.  CLXXIII. 

9.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  48. 

10.  Maspero,  G.,  Les  Temples  immerg^s  de  la  Nubie.  Rapports  relatifs 
a  la  consolidation  des  temples,  Cairo,  1911,  pis.  CXVI  and  CXIV. 

11.  Capart,  J.,  Le  Temple  de  Siti  I^\  Bruzelles,  191 2,  pi.  VI. 

12.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  F Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1876,  t.  i.,  pi.  35. 

13.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  70. 

14.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Re-Heiligtum  des  Konigs  Ne-Woser-Re.  I.  Dar  BaUy 
Berlin,  1905,  figs.  49-50,  p.  55. 

15.  Holscher,  U.,Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Chephren,  Leipzig,  191 2, 
pi.  IX ;  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  tki bains  des  origines  a  la  fn  de 
la  XV II I"  dynastie,  Paris,  1920,  pi.  4,  n.  i. 

16.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  Part  I,  pi.  90. 

17.  Capart,  J.,  V Art  igyptien,  t.  ii.,  Bruxelles,  191 1,  pi.  149. 

18.  Ibid.,  pi.    193. 

19.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t,  ii.,  pi.  69. 

20.  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  thibaines  des  origines  a  la  fin  de 
la  XVI II"  dynastie,  Paris,  1920,  pis.  3  and  4. 

21.  Holscher,  U.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Chephren,  Leipzig, 
191  2,  fig.  26,  p.  43. 

22.  Maspero,  G.,  Les  Temples  immergis  de  la  Nubie.  Rapports  relatifs 
a  la  consolidation  des  temples,  Cairo,  191 1,  pi.  CXXXIV. 

23.  Blackman,  A.  M.,  The  Temple  of  Der r,  Cairo,  191 3,  pi.  XXVIII^. 

24.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  PArt  ^gyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  16; 
Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  thi bains  des  origines  a  la  fin  de  la  XVI IF 
dynastie,  Paris,  1920,  pi.  60. 

25.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El  Amarna,  Part  VI,  London, 
1908,  pi.  XXXVI. 

26.  Gauthier,  H.,  Le  Temple  d'Amada,  Cairo,  191 3,  pi.  A  and  pi.  I. 

27.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  /gyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  14. 

28.  Borchardt,  L.,  Zur  Baugeschichte  des  Amonstempels  von  Karnaky 
Leipzig,  1905,  p.  32. 

29.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  PArt  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi,  36. 

30.  Naville,  E.,  The  Xlth  Dynasty  Temple  at  Deir-el-Bahari,  Part  II, 
London,  1910,  pi.  XV. 


ii6  EGYPTIAN   ART 

31.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Mast  aba  of  Ptahhetep  and  Akhethetep,  Part  II 
London,  1901,  pi.  II. 

32.  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  tkibains  des  origines  a  la  XFIIP 
dynastie,  Paris,  1920,  pi.  14,  n.  2. 

33.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  Bent-Hasan,  Part  I,  London,  1893,  pi.  XXII. 

34.  Naville,  E.,  The  Temple  of  Deir-el-Bahari,  Part  II,  London,  1872, 
pis.  XXX-XXXI ;  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  thi bains,  Paris,  1920, 
pis.  30—32  ;  Karnak,  ibid.,  pi.   53,  n.   r. 

35.  Caulfield,  A.  St.  G.,  The  Temple  of  the  Kings  at  Abydos,  London, 
1902,  pi.  XI ;   Capart,  J.,  Le  Temple  de  Siti  /"'',  Brussels,  191 2,  pi.  VII. 

36.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  Beni-Uasan,  Part  I,  London,  1893,  pis.  III-VI. 

37.  Ibid.,  pi.  XXXIX. 

38.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  42. 

39.  Tylor,  J.  J.,  Wall  Dra-joings  and  Monuments  of  El  Kab.  The  Temple 
of  Amenhetep  III,  London,   1898,  frontispiece. 

40.  Holscher,  U.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Chephren,  Leipzig,  191 2, 
fig.   16,  p.  28. 

41.  Gautier,  J.  E.,  et  G.  Jequier,  Mimoire  sur  les  fouilles  de  Lichi,  Cairo, 
1902,  fig.  38,  p.  39. 

42.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  44. 

43.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmdler,  Part  V,  pi.  6. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

FUNDAMENTAL      FORMS      IN 
ARCHITECTURE— ^o;?//;?;/^^ 

The  Column. 

THE  most  original  element  of  Egyptian  architecture 
is  certainly  the  floral  column,  which  imparts  to  the 
ancient  Egyptian  monuments  a  character  which  is 
quite  their  own.  Without  entering  into  an  inquiry  as  to 
why  the  Egyptians  gave  most  of  their  columns  a  form  bor- 
rowed from  plant  life,  it  will  be  sufficient  for  our  purpose 
to  examine  the  different  types  created  by  the  architects  and 
to  analyse  the  forms  as  we  find  them. 

The  whole  question  has  been  involved  in  extraordinary 
confusion  by  different  writers,  and  in  turning  the  pages  of 
the  various  manuals  it  is  astonishing  to  note  the  uncertain 
and  promiscuous  terminology  employed  ;  the  words  "  loti- 
form  "  and  "  papyriform  "  are  applied  to  the  same  columns 
by  different  authors.  The  merit  of  having  reduced  this 
chaos  to  order  and  of  having  defined  the  characteristics  which 
allow  us  to  draw  up  hard  and  fast  distinctions  is  due  to 
Borchardt.  (i)  Starting  with  the  analysis  of  the  plants  which 
served  the  Egyptians  for  models,  he  shows  us  how  to  discern 
without  ambiguity  what  belongs  to  the  lotus  and  to  the 
papyrus  respectively,  and  moreover  we  are  shown  by  him 
how  to  identify  in  each  case  the  particular  species  from  which 
the  forms  have  been  copied. 

Lotus. — Two  different  species  of  lotus  are  very  frequently 
represented  on  the  Egyptian  monuments  :  Nymph^a  lotus, 
or  the  white  lotus,  and  Nymph<£a  Ccerulea,  or  the  blue  lotus. 
As  to  Nelumbium  speciosum,   or  the  red  lotus,  it  does  not 


117 


ii8  EGYPTIAN   ART 

make  its  appearance  until  we  come  down  to  the  monuments 
of  the  latest  period.  The  lotus  has  a  round  stem,  and  its 
sepals  and  petals  are  of  equal  length.  In  the  white  lotus 
they  are  rather  broad  and  of  a  roundish  form,  whilst  in  the 
blue  lotus  they  are  narrower  and  longer,  and  lanceolate  in 
form.  The  lotus  flower  is  often  represented  either  fully 
open  or  as  just  emerging  from  the  bud,  and  these  two  stages 
in  the  growth  of  the  flower  have  given  rise  to  two  types 
of  lotiform  columns  :  one  with  an  open  and  the  other  with 
a  closed  capital.  This  may  best  be  seen  on  the  columns 
represented  by  paintings  which  portray  architectural  sub- 
jects. (2)  An  entablature  rests,  in  one  case,  on  the  open 
calyx  of  a  white  lotus,  and  in  the  other  case  on  a  half-open 
bud  of  the  blue  lotus.  At  the  upper  end  of  the  shaft  the 
little  buds,  which  bend  outwards,  are  bound  together  with 
bands.  The  presence  of  these  little  flowers  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  we  are  dealing  with  a  compound  column  instead 
of  a  simple  one.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  both  types  are  met 
with  :  the  simple  column  consisting  of  a  single  stem  ending 
in  a  single  flower,  and  the  compound  column,  composed 
of  a  number  of  stems  bound  in  a  sheaf,  and  ending  naturally 
in  a  number  of  flowers.  On  a  bas-relief  in  the  Berlin 
Museum  (3)  some  attendants  may  be  seen  busying  themselves 
with  the  beasts  entrusted  to  their  care.  They  are  sheltered 
by  a  light  shed  supported  by  simple  lotiform  columns  with 
closed  capitals.  It  is  evident  that  the  column,  which  rests 
upon  a  slightly  raised  base,  is  composed  of  a  single  stem 
and  a  single  flower.  Beneath  the  flower  there  is  no  trace 
of  bands  or  of  smaller  flowers.  The  whole  efi^ect  is  simply 
of  a  roof  supported  on  a  number  of  lotus  flowers  stuck  into 
the  earth.  In  a  similar  scene  in  the  tomb  of  Ti  (4)  an  awning 
is  supported  by  a  row  of  columns  of  the  same  type,  but  here 
the  shaft  is  of  three  stems  tied  together  at  the  top  with  bands 
which  hold  in  the  small  flowers.  It  is  fairly  certain  that  here 
we  have  a  compound  lotiform  column,  ending  really  in  several 
half-open  flowers.  Egyptian  graphic  conventions  are  enough 
to  explain  that  it  was  considered  sufficient  to  draw  only  one 
flower. 

The  oldest  lotiform  column  found  intact  is  in  the  Cairo 


FORMS   IN   ARCHITECTURE  119 

Museum.  (5)  It  comes  from  the  mastaba  of  Ptah-Shepshes 
at  Abusir,  and  dates  from  the  Vth  dynasty.  It  is  a  com- 
pound or  fasciculated  column  composed  of  six  stems  and 
of  as  many  half-open  buds.  Between  the  main  stems,  and 
passing  under  the  bands,  are  several  little  lotus  flowers, 
which,  by  the  necessity  of  stoneworking,  adhere  to  the  mass 
of  the  capital. 

It  will  be  clearly  seen  that  the  petals  and  sepals  of  the 
flowers  reach  the  same  height,  and  that  they  just  abut  upon 
the  slab  which  forms  the  abacus.  No  other  examples  of  loti- 
form  columns  are  known  amongst  the  monuments  of  the 
Ancient  Empire. 

In  the  Middle  Empire  we  meet  the  lotiform  column 
again  in  the  tombs  of  Benl-Hasan.  The  example  in  the 
tomb  of  Khety  (No.  17)  will  enable  us  to  analyse  all  the 
special  features  of  this  type.  (6)  The  column  rests  on  a  wide 
circular  base  ;  the  shaft  is  composed  of  four  stems  which 
taper  markedly  from  the  base  towards  the  capital  ;  the 
stems  are  exactly  circular  In  section  ;  upon  the  capital  the 
four  buds  show  the  outlines  of  the  sepals  and  of  the 
petals,  though  less  clearly  than  the  Ancient  Empire 
example  ;  the  whole  is  more  massive,  and  follows  the  natural 
forms  less  closely.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  small 
intermediate  flowers,  which  have  become  a  simple  wavy 
stem,  as  though  the  sculptor  was  not  quite  sure  of  what  he 
had  to  do. 

We  are  Ignorant  of  the  reason  which  prevented  the 
lotiform  column  from  playing  a  more  favourite  part  in 
Egyptian  architecture.  It  may  almost  be  said  to  have 
disappeared  completely  after  the  Middle  Empire,  and  it  is 
not  until  Ptolemaic  times  that  we  meet  with  the  lotus  flower 
again  in  the  composite  capitals  of  the  period.  In  the  example 
found  by  Petrie  at  Memphis,  (7)  the  abacus  appears  to  be 
supported  upon  the  tips  of  a  group  of  closed  buds  ;  in  the 
space  left  free  by  the  buds  are  drawn  open  blue  lotus  flowers, 
and  towards  the  lower  part  little  lotus  buds  are  grouped 
here  and  there  ;  the  bands  which  tie  the  whole  bundle  are 
brought  down  a  little  below  the  flowers  In  such  a  way  as  to 
expose  part  of  the  stems.     As  we  shall  see  later  on,  this 


I20  EGYPTIAN   ART 

last  detail  is  sufficient  to  fix  the  date  of  this  capital  and  to 
assign  it  to  late  times.  Another  capital,  figured  by  Prisse,  (8) 
displays  a  veritable  bouquet  of  open  lotus  flowers  arranged 
in  two  rows.  The  new  position  of  the  little  flowers  on  the 
large  ones  is  quite  against  the  ancient  use  of  them,  between 
the  principal  stems. 

Papyrus. — Two  varieties  of  papyrus  are  frequently  repre- 
sented on  Egyptian  monuments  :  Cyperus  papyrus  and  Papyrus 
alopecurdides. 

Cyperus  papyrus. — A  fragment  of  painting  from  a 
hunting-scene  in  one  of  the  Beni-Hasan  tombs  (9)  gives  us 
an  instructive  example  of  the  two  fundamental  ways  in  which 
the  Egyptians  represented  the  Cyperus  papyrus.  Here  we 
see  a  certain  number  of  plants  with  their  bells  closed  and  of 
others  with  the  flowers  completely  open.  The  flower  is 
formed  of  several  triangular  sepals  and  a  considerable 
amount  of  bloom  which  is  fused  into  one  mass,  the  sepals 
reaching  about  one-third  of  the  height  of  the  bloom.  When 
the  flower  Is  completely  open  its  general  form  is  bell-shaped, 
which  has  caused  the  name  "  campaniform  "  to  be  applied 
sometimes  to  columns  inspired  by  this  model.  When, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  flower  is  still  closed,  its  outline  may 
easily  be  confounded  with  that  of  lotus  buds  which  are  just 
beginning  to  open.  This  will  explain  why  the  two  have 
so  often  been  confused,  although  the  sepals  aff'ord  the  clearest 
means  of  distinguishing  them  :  in  the  lotus  they  reach  to 
the  top  of  the  flower  ;  in  the  papyrus  they  stop  at  about 
one-third  of  the  height. 

A  number  of  paintings  and  bas-reliefs  of  various  periods 
represent  the  gathering  of  papyrus,  which  the  Egyptians 
put  to  a  multitude  of  difl"erent  uses.  The  plants,  when 
plucked,  are  tied  in  bundles.  An  example  in  the  tomb 
of  Puimre(io)  will  serve  as  a  specimen.  A  man  carries  on 
his  back  a  tightly  tied  bundle  which  at  the  lower  end  shows 
perceptible  narrowing.  It  is  evident  that  at  one  pull  a 
plant  has  been  uprooted  with  all  its  divergent  stems,  and  that 
in  tying  it  up  tightly  by  a  cord  the  characteristic  bulge  is 
produced  quite  naturally  at  the  base  of  the  bundle. 

If  we  now  turn  to  a  column  in  the  tomb  of  Ay  at  Tell- 


PLATE  XXXVII 


LOTIFORM  COLUMNS  REPRESENTED  BY  PAINTINGS 


PLATE  XXXVni 


LOTIFORM  COLUMNS  IN  AN  ANCIENT  EMPIRE   RELIEF 
IN  THE  TOMB  OF  TI 


PLATE  XXXIX 


LOTIFORM  COLUMN   FROM  THE   MASTABA 
OF  PTAH-SHEPSHES 


PLATE  XL 


ys 


L" 


.f-  '4m^A 


I" 


//i  ^f^i 


r^^^^l 


v>NWt^'^-^---V.>\4 


FASCICULATED  PAPYRIFORM  COLUMNS  IN  THE  TEMPLE 
OF  XEUSERRfi  AFTER  RORCHARDT 


FORMS   IN  ARCHITECTURE  121 

el-Amarna,  (11)  it  will  at  once  be  apparent  how  exactly  the 
fasciculated  or  bunched  papyriform  column  reproduces  the 
general  form  of  a  clump  of  papyrus.  The  only  important 
difference  is  that  in  imitation  of  what  we  have  already  noted 
in  the  case  of  the  lotiform  column,  under  the  bands  at  the 
upper  end  were  inserted  a  series  of  short  stems  tied  in  threes 
and  which  have  their  own  tying-bands,  and  these  are  repre- 
sented a  little  above  the  bands  which  hold  the  principal 
sheaf  together.  In  this  example  the  column  is  made  up 
of  a  certain  number  of  separate  groups  of  stems.  Each  of 
these  groups  is  usually  treated  as  a  single  stem,  and  in  this 
light  we  must  now  analyse  the  papyriform  column  as  it  is 
most  commonly  met  with. 

The  fasciculated  papyriform  column  rests  on  a  circular 
base  cut  with  a  slight  bevel.  It  normally  consists  of  eight 
stems  whose  section,  instead  of  being  round  as  in  the  lotus, 
is  sharply  triangular,  which  also  corresponds  with  the  natural 
form  of  the  stem.  From  the  capital  downwards  the  shaft 
enlarges  down  to  a  point  near  the  base  where  it  narrows 
down  in  the  way  whose  origin  we  have  just  explained. 
The  lower  part  of  each  of  the  stems  is  ornamented  with  a 
triangular  decoration  in  imitation  of  the  root  leaves  and 
leaflets  at  the  foot  of  the  plant.  Above  the  bands  is  a  number 
of  closed  blooms,  one  to  each  of  the  stems  below,  and  like- 
wise ornamented  with  the  triangular  device,  this  time  in 
imitation  of  sepals.  This  decoration  is  broken  by  the  bundles 
of  little  stems,  each  of  which  is  fixed  by  bands  of  its  own. 
All  this  involves  a  complex  play  of  horizontal,  vertical  and 
transverse  lines  on  the  upper  part  of  the  column  which  is 
quite  original.  The  papyriform  columns  just  described 
really  constitute  the  most  characteristic  order  of  Egyptian 
architecture. 

Examples  of  all  periods  are  extant,  and  afford  the  materials 
for  tracing  a  progressive  development.  In  the  temple  of 
Neuserr^,  of  the  Vth  dynasty,  two  varieties  already  make 
their  appearance  :  one,  in  the  valley  portico,  (12)  is  of  a 
slender,  angulated  and  sinewy  type  ;  the  other,  which  is 
met  with  in  the  upper  temple  court,  (13)  is  of  a  heavier, 
rounder  and  more  inflated  type.     Both  types  persist  down 


122  EGYPTIAN  ART 

to  the  New  Empire,  where  the  second  is  finally  superseded. 
In  the  temple  of  Karnak,  in  the  hall  known  as  the  botanic 
garden,  (14)  four  columns  of  Tuthmosis  III  might  well 
pass  as  elegant  and  slender  specimens  of  classic  papyriform. 
The  great  court  or  the  hypostyle  hall  of  Amenophis  III  at 
Luxor  present  the  same  type  in  profusion.  (15)  In  this 
last  case,  however,  the  small  subsidiary  stems  are  not  so 
sharply  distinguished  from  the  main  stems  :  they  form  on 
the  upper  part,  both  above  and  below  the  bands,  a  smooth 
fillet  on  which  the  details  are  only  just  indicated  by  faint 
marks.  The  column  is  fasciculated  or  bunched  from  the 
base  to  the  top,  but  it  is  encircled  at  three-quarter  height 
by  a  smooth  and  continuous  belt. 

This  concealment  of  original  forms  extends  very  rapidly 
to  other  parts  of  the  column.  In  the  tomb  of  Tutu  at  Tell- 
el-Amarna,  (16)  although  the  column  shows  all  the  elements 
of  the  sheaf  at  its  upper  end,  the  whole  of  the  lower  part  is 
entirely  masked  by  a  smooth  surface.  It  certainly  might 
be  supposed  that  the  sculptor  had  left  his  work  unfinished 
and  that  he  had  simply  blocked  out  the  shaft,  were  it  not 
for  the  fact  that  the  column,  under  this  form — smooth  from 
the  base  even  to  the  top  of  the  capital — becomes  quite 
customary  from  the  beginning  of  the  XlXth  dynasty.  The 
columns  in  the  hypostyle  hall  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos,  (17)  and 
those  of  the  court  of  Ramesses  II  at  Luxor,  are  typical 
examples.  This  concealment  of  forms  has  not,  however, 
done  away  with  the  characteristic  narrowing  near  the  base 
which  alone  is  sufficient  to  recall  clearly  what  the  original 
form  really  was.  On  the  smooth  surfaces  thus  obtained 
there  was  perfect  freedom  for  the  development  of  ornamenta- 
tion, of  inscriptions  and  even  of  bas-reliefs.  Part  of  this 
ornamentation  is  related  to  the  primitive  form  :  thus  near 
the  base  the  triangular  devices  are  maintained  which  recall 
the  root-leaves  ;  higher  up,  the  intermediate  stems  are  traced 
one  beside  the  other,  dividing  the  circumference  of  the 
column  into  a  number  of  small  rectangular  surfaces  which 
are  distinguished  from  one  another  by  being  painted  different 
colours.  (18)  This  sector  of  vertical  elements  is  cut  off  by 
the  original  large  bands,  whilst  above,  on  the  bulbous  part 


FORMS   IN   ARCHITECTURE  123 

of  the  capital,  the  groups  of  small  stems  are  traced,  separated 
by  a  pointed  decoration  which  recalls  the  sepals  of  the  flower. 
Sometimes,  as  in  the  hypostyle  hall  at  Karnak,  (19)  the  decora- 
tion proper  to  the  origin  of  the  forms  is  more  and  more 
encroached  upon.  The  small  stems  have  disappeared  beneath 
a  series  of  cartouches  ;  royal  titles  are  spread  over  the  bands  ; 
on  the  bulbous  part,  where  the  usual  details  are  carved,  they 
are  at  once  obliterated  by  another  series  of  royal  cartouches. 
Indeed,  had  we  no  other  columns  preserved  than  those  of 
this  kind,  it  would  be  absolutely  hopeless  to  attempt  to 
discover  that  their  origin  was  related  to  any  kind  of  vegetal 
species  whatever. 

Hitherto  we  have  dealt  only  with  fasciculated  papyriform 
columns  with  closed  capitals,  but  there  are  also  columns  of 
the  same  type  with  open  capitals. 

Thanks  to  the  numerous  fragments  which  he  found, 
Petrie  was  able  to  reconstitute  an  open-capitaled  papyriform 
column  from  the  palace  of  Amenophis  IV  at  Tell-el- 
Amarna.  (20)  Here  the  bundle  of  stems  Is  tied  by  several 
bands  arranged  at  different  heights,  the  last  of  which — and 
this  is  a  noteworthy  point — is  placed  some  little  distance 
below  the  base  of  the  flowers.  The  open  flower  is  not  a  form 
which  lends  itself  readily  to  grouping,  for  the  extremity  of 
each  flower  is  contrariwise  to  that  of  its  neighbour.  It 
may  be  added  that  the  Tell-el-Amarna  example  would  appear 
to  be  unique. 

From  time  to  time,  in  the  New  Empire  temples,  large 
papyriform  columns  with  open  capitals  are  met  with  ;  the 
stems  are  fused  together  and  united,  and  the  capital  appears 
as  a  single  open  flower-bell.  We  may  instance  the  colonnade 
of  Tut-Ankh-Amon  at  Luxor,  (21)  or  the  central  nave  of 
the  hypostyle  hall  of  the  Ramesseum,  (22)  or,  again,  that 
of  Karnak.  (23)  The  columns  show  a  slight  narrowing 
towards  the  base  and  under  the  capital  a  series  of  bands  ; 
these  two  elements  bespeak  the  fact  that  in  reality,  although 
the  column  is  simple,  it  is  conceived  as  having  been  originally 
fasciculated.  The  details  of  the  capital  (24)  would  seem  to 
show  some  intention  of  recalling  the  composite  character  of 
the  whole,   and  on  the  surface  of  the  great  flower-bell  is 


124  EGYPTIAN   ART 

carved  or  painted  a  series  of  little  stems,  which  in  their  turn 
end  in  open  blooms. 

We  must  now  note  a  particular  case  of  the  use  of  papyri- 
form  columns  with  open  capitals,  and  that  is,  although  they 
appear  to  be  generally  reserved  for  the  central  naves  of 
hypostyle  halls,  they  are  used  in  one  of  the  porticoes  of  the 
first  court  of  the  temple  of  Medinet-Habu,  (25)  but  there 
they  are  of  a  more  squat  and  solid  form. 

The  open-capitaled  papyriform  column  continues  to  be 
used  after  the  New  Empire  without  undergoing  any  appre- 
ciable modification.  It  is  employed,  for  example,  in  the 
portico  of  the  Ethiopian  King  Taharka  in  the  first  court  at 
Karnak,  (26)  or,  again,  in  the  hypostyle  hall  of  the  Graeco- 
Roman  temple  at  Kom-Ombo.  In  this  last  the  slight  con- 
traction and  the  lance-leaf  decoration  at  the  base  is  just 
perceptible,  sufficient  to  distinguish,  even  in  the  merest 
fragment,  between  the  papyriform  and  lotiform  types.  The 
ruins  of  the  Sudanese  temple  of  Musanwarat-es-Sofra  (27) 
have  columns  of  a  still  more  recent  period,  which  might 
rank  as  the  last  development  of  the  open  papyriform  type, 
although  in  this  case  they  have  been  channelled  in  a  manner 
which  is  manifestly  due  to  the  influence  of  Greek  archi- 
tecture. 

Cyperus  alopecuro'ides  (2%). — The  distinction  between  this 
plant  and  Cyperus  papyrus  is  clearly  shown  by  the  paintings 
on  the  pavement  of  the  palace  of  Amenophis  IV  at  Tell-el- 
Amarna.  (29)  The  profile  of  the  flower  is  bounded  by  three 
long  sepals  between  which  the  bloom  is  marked  by  a  mass 
of  colour  which  lies  well  below  the  ends  of  the  sepals.  This 
is  just  the  reverse  of  what  happens  in  the  case  of  Cyperus 
papyrus.  The  capitals  in  the  hypostyle  hall  of  the  temple 
of  Esneh  (30)  give  a  clear  example  of  how  this  variety  of 
papyrus  is  turned  to  account  in  architecture.  Here  we  have 
a  composite  capital  of  late  period  in  which  the  floral  decoration 
is  set  out  in  several  levels. 

Composite  Floral  Capitals. — Amongst  the  architectural 
paintings  of  the  New  Empire,  the  artists  often  painted  little 
columns  whose  capitals  are  formed  in  a  very  strange  manner. 
It  would  seem  that  one  type  of  capital  is  blended  with  others 


PLATE  XLI 


TYPICAL  FASCICULATED  PAPYRIFORM  COLUMNS  OF  THE  XVIIIth  DYNASTY 


PLATE   XLH 


PAPYRIFCRiM  COHMXS  OI-   THE   H\1'()ST\1.F.   HAI.l.  AT   KAI^XAK 


PLATE  XLIII 


OPEN-CAPITALED  PAPYRIFORM  COLUMN  FROM  THE  PALACE 

OF  AMENOPHIS  IV 


PLATE  XLIV 


CAPITAL  OF  COLUMN  IN  THE  HYPOSTYLE  HALL  AT  KARNAK 


FORMS   IN   ARCHITECTURE  125 

of  different  types.  (31)  It  has  long  been  asked  to  what 
reality  this  "  dream  architecture  "  could  correspond.  Here 
we  may  see  a  column  with  its  closed  papyriform  capital  sur- 
mounted by  a  half-open  lotiform  capital,  then  by  a  capital 
of  the  so-called  "  lily  "  type,  and  finally  by  an  open  papyriform 
capital  decked  with  blooms.  There  we  find  a  first  capital, 
lotiform,  a  second  of  lilies,  a  third  of  open  papyrus,  and 
between  the  second  and  the  third  more  lotus  flowers  which 
bend  outwards.  By  means  of  certain  graphic  methods 
employed  by  the  Egyptians  we  can  obtain  a  simple  inter- 
pretation of  what  appears  to  us  an  outrage  on  equilibrium. 
When  the  Egyptians  wished  to  show  what  was  spread  out 
on  a  table  or  contained  in  a  basket,  being  unable  to  display 
the  different  objects  sufficiently  clearly  for  their  liking  by 
proper  perspective,  they  drew  them  carefully  piled  up  one 
upon  another  above  the  upper  edge  of  the  table  or  receptacle. 
Here  again,  confronted  with  the  problem  of  drawing  a 
composite  floral  capital,  the  Egyptian  draughtsman  separates 
it  into  component  elements,  which  he  places  one  above  the 
other.  (32)  The  paintings  of  the  New  Empire  thus  first 
show  us  the  use  of  capitals,  which  become  the  preponderating 
element  in  the  buildings  of  late  times.  (23) 

In  theory  it  is  postulated  that  the  composite  capital 
should  presuppose  a  shaft  made  up  of  multiple  stems,  as  we 
have  just  seen  in  the  case  of  fasciculated  columns,  whether 
lotiform  or  papyriform.  The  remains  of  the  portico  of 
Medamut  show  two  columns  with  composite  capitals  in 
which  the  bands  stop  at  some  distance  below  the  capital 
proper  and  the  stems  of  the  flowers  in  the  capital  pass  right 
down  to  the  base.  On  the  contrary,  more  often  than  not 
in  buildings  of  late  period  the  same  thing  occurs  as  happened 
when,  in  the  XlXth  dynasty,  the  forms  of  the  papyriform 
columns  were  atrophied  (see  above,  p.  122).  The  shafts  are 
consequently  absolutely  smooth,  or  else  constitute  a  compact 
mass  the  upper  end  of  which  terminates  by  the  spreading 
of  the  bunched  flowers  whose  multiple  stems  appear  only 
above  the  bands. 

One  of  the  porticoes  of  the  temple  of  Isis  at  Philae  presents 
quite  a  series  of  varieties  of  columns.  (34)     The  bases  no 


126  EGYPTIAN   ART 

longer  show  any  trace  of  contraction,  even  when  the  capital 
is  decorated  with  papyrus  flowers,  but  they  all,  however, 
bear  the  lanceolate  decoration.  The  greater  part  of  the 
shaft  is  covered  with  religious  scenes  and  inscriptions.  It 
will  at  once  be  noticed  that  all  the  capitals  are  different, 
whilst  in  earlier  periods  one  type  was  usually  employed  for 
all  the  columns  in  a  portico.  In  a  single  capital  sometimes 
flowers  and  buds  are  arranged  in  three  or  four  levels,  and 
again  both  species  of  papyrus  are  sometimes  combined  ; 
slight  details  of  flowers  or  of  fruits  are  sculptured  on  the 
sepals  of  the  largest  and  most  massive  flowers.  (35)  There 
is  a  sort  of  passion  to  fill  in  as  much  as  possible  and 
to  leave  absolutely  no  surface  undecorated.  The  fine 
simplicity  of  the  oldest  forms  gives  place  to  an  exuberance 
of  detail,  just  as  the  Renaissance  ended  by  falling  into 
Rococo. 

Fhcenix  dactylifera. — The  palm  column  persisted  through- 
out Egyptian  history  without  appreciable  modification,  from 
the  time  of  the  example  In  the  temple  of  Sahure  (Vth  dynasty) 
past  the  column  of  Tehutl-hetep  at  El-Bersheh  (Xllth 
dynasty)  and  the  capital  in  the  palace  of  Amenophis  IV 
(XVIIIth  dynasty)  down  to  the  hypostyle  hall  at  Edfu 
(Graeco-Roman  period).  (36)  A  characteristic  detail  must 
be  observed  :  (37)  the  bands  which  encircle  the  upper  end 
of  the  shaft,  arranged  in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  other 
orders,  have  the  addition  of  a  buckle,  the  significance  of 
which  has  not  been  fully  explained.  It  will  be  noted  also 
that  in  late  times,  following  the  usual  practice,  the  bands 
are  sometimes  lowered  beneath  the  capital  ;  in  the  free 
space  thus  obtained  between  the  bands  and  the  palms,  a 
series  of  triangles  is  drawn,  evidently  imitating  the  ends  of 
fallen  leaves,  as  well  as  bunches  of  dates.  In  this  case  it 
is  quite  clear  that  the  entire  column  is  conceived  as  a  palm- 
tree,  all  of  whose  elements  are  copied  exactly. 

Lily,  or  Fleur-de-lis. — We  have  already  encountered  on 
one  of  the  pillars  of  Tuthmosis  III  at  Karnak,  as  well  as  on 
some  of  the  composite  capitals,  the  representation  of  a  flower 
which  has  been  called,  for  want  of  a  more  precise  name,  the 
fleur-de-lis,  or  lily.     A  wooden  capital  of  this  type,  belong- 


FORMS   IN   ARCHITECTURE  127 

ing  to  the  Middle  Empire,  was  discovered  by  Garstang  at 
Beni-Hasan.  (38)  Architectural  drawings,  on  the  contrary, 
frequently  depict  the  lily  capital. 

One  author  has  suggested  that  we  should  see  in  this 
floral  type  an  adaptation  of  the  palm-tree.  Without  being 
quite  convinced  by  the  demonstation  of  Wurz,  (39)  it  must 
be  admitted  that  there  is  something  of  interest  in  this  idea. 
It  is  certainly  a  fact  that  many  of  the  characters  of  the  so- 
called  lily,  as  it  is  rendered,  for  example,  in  the  Ptolemaic 
capitals,  (40)  recall  the  palm-leaf. 

Columns  with  "  Inverted  Bells.'' — In  the  hypostyle  hall 
called  the  Festival  Hall  of  Tuthmosis  III  at  Karnak,  an 
abnormal  type  of  column  is  to  be  found.  (41)  The  shaft 
is  round,  splays  widely  at  its  upper  end,  and  on  the  broad 
surface  of  this  splay  rests  what  appears  to  be  an  open  papyrus 
capital  upside  down.  It  has  long  been  recognised  that  this 
type  of  column  reproduces  on  a  large  scale  the  little  columns 
which  we  found  amongst  the  hieroglyphs  with  a  tenon  for 
jointing  on  its  upper  end.  The  column  of  Tuthmosis  III 
might  be  compared  with  the  upright  of  a  light  naos  which 
is  figured  in  the  tomb  of  Ti  (in  the  scene  showing  the  trans- 
port of  statuary).  (42)  This  comparison,  however,  does  not 
explain  the  origin  of  the  form.  It  is  probable  that  Schaefer 
is  right  in  seeing  here  an  imitation  of  a  kind  of  club  or 
sceptre.  (43) 

Hathor  Columns. — The  Hathor  column  consists  of  a 
round  shaft  surmounted  by  heads  of  the  goddess  Hathor, 
which  are  in  turn  surmounted  by  a  kind  of  little  shrine. 
This  column  is  copied  from  a  sacred  instrument  known  as 
the  sistrum.  The  ceiling  of  the  hypostyle  hall  of  the 
Dendereh  temple  is  supported  on  several  rows  of  columns 
of  this  type.  (44) 

Columns  with  Multiple  Capitals. — The  Egyptians  also 
employed  columns  with  strange  combinations.  Thus,  in 
the  temple  called  the  Birth  House,  between  the  two  pylons 
of  the  great  temple  of  Isis  at  Philae,  there  are  floral  columns 
with  composite  capitals  surmounted  with  Hathor  heads.  (45) 
This  freak  might  perhaps  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the 
colonnade  in  question  served  at  once  as  the  colonnade  to  the 


128  EGYPTIAN   ART 

court  of  the  temple  of  Isis  (the  portico  on  the  other  side  of 
the  court  has  floral  columns  with  composite  capitals)  as  well 
as  to  the  little  temple  of  the  Birth,  which  demanded  Hathor 
columns.  The  two  capitals  had  been  simply  placed  one 
on  the  other  upon  one  and  the  same  shaft.  But  a  similar 
reason  should  have  been  discovered  for  other  cases  of  such 
multiple  capitals.  (46) 

Another  variety  shows  raised  above  a  floral  capital  a 
cubical  stone  on  the  faces  of  which  are  figures  of  the  god 
Bes  ;  this  is  to  be  found,  for  instance,  in  the  Birth-temple  at 
Dendereh.  (47) 

In  the  famous  kiosk  at  Philas  (48)  the  floral  columns  are 
surmounted  by  abaci  of  disproportionate  size,  and  this  is 
really  because  the  shrine  was  never  finished,  and  consequently 
the  figures  of  the  god  Bes  or  the  Hathor-masks  have  never 
been  sculptured  on  the  abaci. 

To  this  series  of  combinations  must  be  added  a  pillar 
in  the  temple  of  Ben-Naga  in  the  Sudan  ;  (49)  the  four 
faces  were  sculptured  with  figures  of  Bes,  above  which  in 
each  case  was  a  Hathor-mask. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1.  Borchardt,  L.,  Die  aegyptiscke  Pflanxensdule,  Berlin,  1897  ;  see  before  : 
Joret,  Charles,  Le  Papyrus  et  sa  representation  sur  les  monuments  de  Fancienne 
Egypte,  in  the  Melanges   Wahlund,   1896,  pp.  273-80. 

2.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  dgyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  20. 

3.  Klebs,  L.,  Die  Reliefs  des  alten  Reiches,  Heidelberg,  191 5,  fig.  53, 
p.  65. 

4.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi,  10. 

5.  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  tkibains,  Paris,  1920,  pi.  7, 
n.  3. 

6.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  Beni-Hasan,  Part  II,  London,  1894,  pi.  X. 

7.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  The  Palace  of  Apries  {Memphis  IF),  London,  1909, 
pi.  XVIII. 

8.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  PArt  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  26. 

9.  Carter,  H.,  M.  W.  Blackden,  Percy  Brown  and  Percy  Buckman,  Beni- 
Hasan,  Part  IV,  London,  1900,  pi.  V. 

ro.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas  z.ur  altaegyptischen  Kulturgeschichte,  Leipzig, 
1914,  pi.  30. 

II.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El  Amarna,  Part  VI,  London, 
1908,  pi.  XXXVII. 


PLATE  XLV 


CAPITALS  OF  «  PAPYRUS  ALOPECUROIDES  »  IN  THE  HYPOSTYLE  HALL 

AT  ESNEH 


PLATE   XI.VT 


M 


-TT 


■^WTW 


Jimmw 


COMPOSITE  FLORAL  COLUMNS  REPRESENTED  BY  PAINTINGS 


PLATE  XLVII 


PORTICO  OF  THE  TEMPLE  OF  ISIS  AT  PUlhAi 


PLATE  XLVIII 


HYPOSTYLE  HALL  OF  THE  DENDERA  TEMPLE 


FORMS    IN   ARCHITECTURE  129 

12.  Borchardt,   L.,   Das   Grabdenkmal  des   Konlgs  Ne-User-Re,  Leipzig, 

13.  /i/V.,  pi.  13. 

14.  Marietta,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  47. 

15.  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  thi bains,  Paris,  1920,  pis. 
65-70. 

16.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El  Amarna,  Part  VI,  London, 
1908,  pis.  XXXV-XXXVL 

17.  Capart,  J.,  Le  Temple  de  Siti  I",  Brussels,  191 2,  pi.  VL 

18.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  Part  I,  pi.  90. 

19.  Bechard,  and  A.  Palmieri,  V Egypte  et  le  Nubie,  Paris,  1887, 
pis.  LXXXV-LXXXVIIL 

20.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Tell-el-Amarna,  London,  1894,  pi.  VIL 

21.  Jequier,  G.,Les  Temples  memphites  et  thibains,  Paris,  1920,  pis.  62-64. 

22.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  Part  I,  pi.  90. 

23.  Ibid.,  pi.  80. 

24.  Prisse  d'Avexmes,  Histoire  de  I' Art  ^gyptien,  Paris,  1878,1.  i.,  pis.  23 
and  43. 

25.  Holscher,  U.,  Das  hohe  Tor  von  Medinet  Habu,  Leipzig,  191  o,  fig.  44, 
p.  49. 

26.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  41. 

27.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmaler,  Part  I,  pi.  ijg-^. 

28.  Borchardt,  L.,  Die  Cyperussdule,  in  the  ZeitschriftfUr  dgyptische  Sprache 
t.  xl.,  1902-3,  pp.  36-49. 

29.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Tell-el-Amarna,  London,  1894,  pi.  IIT,  n.  3. 

30.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  66. 

31.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  e'gyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i,  pis.  17-19. 

32.  But  see  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Tell-el-Amarna,  London,  1984,  pi.  IX. 

33.  Koster,  A.,  Die  dgyptische  Pfanzensaule  der  Spatzeit,  in  the  Recueil 
de  travaux  relatifs  a  la  pkilologie  et  a  Varcheologie  igyptiennes  et  assyriennes 
t.   25,   1903,   pp.   86-119. 

34.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii., 
pi.  82. 

35.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  dgyptien,  Paris,  1 878,  t.  i,  pis.  58-61. 

36.  See  Chapter  IV,  p.  67-8. 

37.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  V Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  27. 

38.  Garstang,  J.,   The  Burial  Customs  of  Ancient  Egypt,  London,   1907, 

fig-    139'   P-    HI- 

39.  Wurz,  R.,  Spirale  und  Volute,  vol.  i.,  Munich,  1914,     See  fig.  106, 

p.   48. 

40.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  PArt  igyptien,  Paris,  t.  i.,  pi.  25. 

41.  Jequier,  G.,  Les  Temples  memphites  et  thibains,  Paris,  1920,  pi.  50. 

42.  Steindorff,  G.,  Das  Grab  des  Ti,  Leipzig,  191 3,  pi.  70. 

43.  Puchstein,  O.,  Die  lonische  Saule,  Leipzig,  1907,  p.  29. 

44.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  35  ; 
Wilkinson,  G.,  The  Architecture  of  Ancient  Egypt,  London,  1850,  pi.  XIII. 

45.  Bechard  and  A.  Palmieri,  U Egypte  et  la  Nubie,  Paris,  1887,  pi. 
CXXVII. 

9 


I30  EGYPTIAN   ART 

46.  See  for  an  example  the  Temple  of   Nectanebo    at   Philae,  in  Prisse 
d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  P Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i„  pi.  47. 

47.  Wilkinson,   G.,    The  Architecture  of  Ancient  Egypt,   London,    1850, 
pi.  XIII. 

48.  Lyons,  H.  G.,  A  Report  on  the  Island  of  and  Temples  of  Philce,  Cairo, 
1896,  pis.   17-19. 

49.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkma/er,  Part  I,  pi.  I39<2. 


CHAPTER    IX 

CONCERNING  COLUMNS  AND  THE  TRANS- 
POSITION OF  THE  FORMS  PROPER  TO 
ONE  MATERIAL  INTO  ANOTHER 

IN  the  previous  chapter  we  studied  Egyptian  columns, 
and  particularly  floral  columns,  from  the  point  of  view 
of  their  forms.  We  have  now  to  investigate  the  con- 
siderations which  led  the  Egyptians  to  choose  for  their 
architectural  supports  one  form  rather  than  another. 

There  is  a  preliminary  point  which  must  be  cleared  up 
forthwith.     Are  we   entitled   to   say   in   general   terms   that 
the   Egyptian   column,   and   particularly  the   floral   column, 
considered  in  the  light  of  its  forms,  plays  primarily  a  con- 
structive part  ?     In  other  words  :   is  the  form  of  the  column 
adapted   to   its   supporting   function,   and   are   the   diff^erent 
elements  of  which  it  is  composed  more  or  less  directly  con- 
nected  with   this   architectural   end  ?     Borchardt  (i)   replies 
to   the   question    in    these   words  :     *'  The    Egyptian    floral 
column   owes   its   origin   solely   to   a   decorative   idea.  .  .  . 
There   is   absolutely   no   expression   therein   of  the   idea   of 
construction    or    of    supporting."     This    theory    has    been 
disputed,  and  some  writers  have  categorically  affirmed  that 
the  floral  column  consisted  of  an  internal  core  which  was 
simply    enveloped    with    the    plants.  (2)     In    his    rejoinder 
Borchardt  (3)  insists  and  declares  that  "  the  Egyptian  con- 
sidered his  floral  columns  as  standing   up  free  and   that   he 
consequently   adorned   them."     What   the   German   archae- 
ologist  affirms   amounts  to  this  :    he  credits  the  Egyptians 
with  the  Idea  of  setting  up   In   their  buildings  a  series  of 

decorative   elements  which   play  the  accessory   constructive 

131 


132  EGYPTIAN   ART 

part  of  architectural  supports.  This  point  of  view  has  some 
confirmation  in  the  fact  noted  in  a  previous  chapter,  namely, 
that  the  Egyptian  ceilings  were  ornamented  with  stars  and  with 
birds  in  flight.  The  Egyptian,  raising  his  eyes  in  the  hypo- 
style  hall  of  a  temple,  could  almost  forget  that  his  view  was 
limited  by  a  series  of  great  slabs  resting  on  the  upper  ends 
of  the  columns.  But  why,  then,  even  if  this  theory  be 
admitted,  should  the  forms  we  have  just  analysed  be  chosen  : 
floral  columns,  Hathor  columns,  and  columns  the  shape  of 
sceptres  or  clubs  ? 

In  order  to  answer  this  question,  it  will  be  interesting 
to  examine  a  certain  number  of  objects  which  play  an  important 
part  in  Egyptian  cult  and  which  belong  to  the  series  of 
ensigns  which  occur  in  the  religious  history  of  many 
countries.  (4) 

The  best-known  sacred  object  which  stands  solidly  on 
the  ground  and  rises  towards  the  sky  is  the  obelisk.  (5) 
Obelisks  usually  occur  in  pairs  :  they  were  set  up  on  either 
side  of  the  doorways  of  temples,  or,  at  times,  even  of 
tombs.  (6)  In  the  Ancient  Empire  these  were  of  very  small 
proportions.  An  important  part  was  played  by  obelisks  in 
the  solar  temples.  For  the  Middle  Empire  we  may  instance 
the  obelisk  of  Sesostris  in  the  temple  of  Heliopolis  ;  and  for 
the  New  Empire  we  might  cite  the  two  obelisks  at  Luxor 
and  the  group  of  obelisks  of  Tuthmosis  I,  Hatshepsut  and 
Tuthmosis  III  which  stands  before  the  granite  sanctuary 
at  Karnak. 

Obelisks  are  not  mere  ornaments  ;  they  were  considered 
as  divinities  "  of  flesh  and  bone  "  who  needed  food  offerings 
which  the  religious  texts  meticulously  prescribed.  The 
erection  of  an  obelisk  constituted  a  cult  ceremony  of  which 
representations  may  be  found  in  the  bas-reliefs  of  the 
temples. 

If  the  obelisk  by  its  large  dimensions  has  attracted 
general  attention,  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  whole 
series  of  staves,  standards  or  sceptres  figured  amongst  the 
scenes  in  the  temple  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos,  to  mention  but  one 
example.  (7)  We  may  see  there  a  staff  surmounted  by  a 
head  decked  in  an  enormous  wig.     The  sacred  staff  is  held 


CONCERNING   COLUMNS  133 

upright  by  two  little  royal  figures  in  a  kneeling  posture. 
It  is  the  fetish  of  the  god  Osiris  :  the  king,  assisted  by  a 
priestess  who  impersonates  the  goddess  Isis,  is  in  the  act 
of  anointing  the  forehead  of  the  image.  At  the  side  is  an 
ensign  which  recalls  those  of  primitive  times  ;  it  supports 
an  ibis,  and  is  likewise  supported  by  two  small  figures  of 
the  king.  A  little  farther  on,  the  king  makes  homage 
before  a  great  sceptre  which  is  connected,  as  the  text  tells  us, 
with  the  god  Thoth.  Beside  this,  the  figure  of  a  falcon  is 
set  up  on  a  raised  perch  ;  these  two  emblems  are  supported 
each  by  a  kneeling  figure  of  the  king.  A  little  farther  on 
again,  the  king  offers  fillets  or  bandages  to  the  emblem 
called  the  dad  or  didu^  which  is  dressed  in  a  skirt  ;  in  the 
following  scene  the  king,  assisted  by  a  priestess  who  imper- 
sonates Isis,  performs  the  ceremony  known  in  the  texts  as 
**  raising  the  Dad." 

Upon  a  square  pillar  from  the  tomb  of  a  high-priest  of 
Ptah  in  the  Florence  Museum,  (8)  on  one  of  the  faces  may 
be  seen  the  deceased  carrying  on  his  shoulders  the  dad  or 
didu.  Upon  another  face  he  advances  holding  in  his  hand 
a  wand,  the  end  of  which,  high  above  his  head,  terminates 
with  the  head  of  a  lioness  surmounted  by  the  solar  disk. 

One  can  now  appreciate  how  it  was  that  Schaefer  could 
recognise  in  the  curious  columns  of  the  Festival  Hall  of 
Tuthmosis  III  at  Karnak  gigantic  sceptres  or  clubs.  One 
is  bound  to  admit  also  that  in  the  pillars  at  Leiden,  (9)  which 
bear  on  one  of  their  faces  the  picture  of  the  didu^  the  domi- 
nating idea  is  not  to  decorate  an  architectural  element,  but 
rather  to  represent  a  sacred  object. 

A  bas-relief  in  the  Cairo  Museum  affords  a  particularly 
interesting  case.  (10)  This  time  the  staff  is  surmounted  by 
a  characteristic  Hathor  head  wearing  a  complicated  symbolic 
head-dress,  made  up  of  horns,  the  solar  disk,  plumes  and 
urai.  Here  also,  as  in  the  Abydos  sanctuary,  two  small 
figures  of  the  king  support  the  sacred  emblem.  Here  again 
is  the  form  of  the  magical  instrument,  the  sistrum,  which 
the  queens  or  princesses  brandished  during  the  cult  cere- 
monies. (11)  The  sistrum  borrows  its  general  form  from 
the  principal  fetish  of  the  goddess  Hathor  under  the  form 


134  EGYPTIAN   ART 

of  the  staff  which  we  have  just  examined.  When  we  meet 
with  a  column  which  exactly  copies  the  shape  of  the  sistrum, 
as  at  Sedeinga  (XVIIIth  dynasty)  (12)  or  at  Dendereh 
(Graeco-Roman  age),  we  can  affirm  without  hesitation  that 
the  Hathor  column  has  no  other  pretension  than  to  be  an 
exact  copy  of  a  religious  object,  for  the  architects  could  easily 
adapt  the  emblem  in  this  way.  On  the  Hathor  pillar  at 
Deir-el-Medineh  (13)  it  was  considered  sufficient  simply  to 
draw  the  sistrum  just  as  the  didu  was  drawn  on  the  face  of 
the  pillar  as  we  saw  a  little  while  ago. 

It  is  probable  that  to  the  Hathor  emblems  are  related 
the  curious  pilasters  which  are  sculptured  on  each  side  of  the 
entrance-door  of  the  tomb  of  Ramesses  III  at  Thebes,  (14) 
the  equivalent  of  which  has  not  been  found  in  architecture. 
Here  the  staff  is  surmounted  simply  by  a  cow's  head,  which, 
as  is  well  known,  is  one  of  the  principal  forms  of  the  goddess 
Hathor. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  follows  that  many  of  the 
Egyptian  columns  probably  imitate  cult-emblems  stuck  in 
the  ground  and  standing  free.  Is  it  not  possible  to  discover 
something  of  the  same  kind  in  the  case  of  the  largest  class  of 
Egyptian  columns  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  floral  columns  ^  Can 
we  not  find  among  the  religious  or  funerary  scenes  an  object 
which  will  recall  in  its  general  aspect  the  vegetal  forms  of 
the  columns  .'' 

Let  us  revert  to  a  scene  in  the  tomb  of  Amenophis  IV 
to  which  reference  has  already  been  made.  (15)  We  witness 
in  one  of  the  bas-reliefs  the  episode  of  the  death  of  Princess 
Maket-Aten  :  a  statue  of  the  dead  girl  is  placed  within  a 
shrine  the  canopy  of  which  is  supported  on  floral  columns. 
Before  the  statue  itself  is  set  up  a  large  bouquet,  the  elements 
of  which  are  arranged  in  layers,  and  which  reaches  to  the 
height  of  the  head  of  the  statue.  We  can  immediately 
perceive  the  analogy  which  the  little  columns  of  the  shrine 
bear  to  the  bouquet.  In  a  processional  scene  in  the  temple 
of  Ramesses  II  at  Luxor  or  at  Abydos  (16)  these  are  bearers 
carrying  similar  bouquets.  We  find  one  placed  beside  the 
sacred  barque  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  temple  of  Derr  ;  (17) 
in    the    basement    of  the   sanctuary   at    Kalabsheh  (18)    the 


CONCERNING   COLUMNS  135 

Nile  figures  are  accompanied  in  each  case  by  a  large  bouquet 
fixed  in  the  ground.  Two  examples  noted  by  Prisse 
d'Avennes  (19)  show  us  in  detail  how  these  large  bouquets 
are  made  up.  On  the  upper  stems  of  papyrus  plants  flowers 
of  different  kinds  are  attached  and  grouped  in  successive 
layers. 

From  the  examination  of  these  monuments  it  is  clear 
that  the  bouquets  play  a  part  in  Egyptian  cult  and  that  they 
form  part  of  the  customary  offerings.  But  we  may  go 
further  even  than  that.  In  the  bas-relief  of  the  tomb  of 
Amenophis  IV  which  portrays  the  sunrise  is  depicted  a 
view  of  the  temple  of  Tell-el-Amarna.  (20)  Before  the 
facade,  priests  are  seen  in  the  very  act  of  fixing  bouquets 
of  this  kind  in  the  ground  in  regular  rows. 

Bearing  this  in  mind,  we  shall  not  be  surprised  to  find 
in  front  of  the  facades  of  certain  temples  isolated  floral 
columns  for  the  architectural  purpose  of  which  we  may 
search  in  vain.  This  is  the  case,  for  example,  before  the 
pylon  of  the  late  temple  of  Medinet  Habu,  where  columns 
fulfil  almost  the  same  function  as  obelisks.  (2 1).  The  Theban 
temple  of  Ptah  gives  us  another  instance,  where  there  are 
four  floral  columns  in  front  of  the  pylon  set  in  two  rows  and 
joined  by  a  low  wall.  (22) 

It  remains  to  be  shown  that  the  Egyptians  conceived 
the  rather  curious  idea  of  using  these  floral  groups  as  an 
architectural  element  for  the  support  of  a  roof.  In  proof 
of  this  fact  we  may  examine  the  bas-relief  in  the  Berlin 
Museum  which  portrays  a  funerary  episode  of  the  high- 
priest  of  Ptah,  in  which  we  observe  a  number  of  small 
funerary  tents  containing  provisions.  (23)  The  supports 
from  which  hangs  the  matting  which  makes  up  the  shrine 
itself  are  in  the  form  of  bouquets.  In  front  of  one  of  these 
tents  which  is  in  course  of  erection  a  man  advances  bearing 
in  his  arms  several  similar  bouquets. 

If  this  series  of  deductions  be  admitted,  it  will  be  recog- 
nised that  there  is  no  ground  for  solving  the  problem  of  the 
floral  column  otherwise  than  that  of  other  forms  of  column  : 
we  can,  moreover,  recognise  in  it  the  use  of  cult  objects  set 
up    in   the   ground,    which   quite    definitely    precludes    any 


136  EGYPTIAN   ART 

real  search  on  the  part  of  the  architects  for  a  decorative 
motive. 

These  large  tapering  bouquets  necessarily  underwent 
modification  when  they  had  to  be  adapted  for  architectural 
building,  properly  so-called.  And  this  brings  us  into 
contact  with  a  most  important  question  in  the  study  of 
Egyptian  art  :  the  problem  of  transposing  a  form  of  one 
material  into  another,  and  particularly  the  copying  of  objects 
of  fragile  material  in  durable  material.  This  transition 
manifestly  cannot  be  carried  out  without  modifications  and 
simplifications.  And  further,  we  have  already  seen  that  in 
architectural  drawings  certain  kinds  of  floral  columns  are 
shown  which  have  not  been  found  in  stone,  the  lotiform 
column  with  an  open  capital  for  example.  When  the 
transposition  was  to  be  made  the  strangest  means  were 
employed  :  the  pillar  of  a  Vlth  dynasty  tomb  at  Zawiet-el- 
Maietin  is  virtually  an  architectural  monstrosity.  (24)  There 
we  see  a  lotiform  column  with  an  open  capital  carefully 
sculptured  in  relief,  which  shows  that  the  architect  was 
obliged  to  have  recourse  to  this  almost  childish  subterfuge 
in  order  to  remain  true  to  a  form  which  he  had  no  idea  how 
to  render  in  stone. 

The  problem  which  has  confronted  the  architects  of 
different  ages  has  been  rather  that  of  copying  into  stone 
forms  already  existing  in  light  structures  than  of  combining 
new  types.  Floral  columns  with  a  wealth  of  detail  in  which 
stucco  has  played  its  part  have  existed  from  the  Ancient 
Empire  times,  as  certain  remains  discovered  at  Abusir 
show.  (25)  Drawings  also  represent  floral  columns  from 
the  time  of  the  IVth  dynasty,  whilst  the  Vth  dynasty  temples 
show  us  for  the  first  time  the  use  of  stone  for  this  purpose. 
We  have  likewise  seen  that  columns  with  composite  capitals 
are  represented  in  drawings  of  the  New  Empire,  although 
they  are  not  known  in  stone  until,  at  the  earliest,  during 
the  Saite  period. 

The  form  of  brick  arches  copied  in  stone  affords  a  still 
further  example  which  may  appropriately  be  quoted  here.  (26) 
From  the  beginning  of  the  1st  dynasty  the  Egyptians  built 
brick    arches    with    keystones.      When    in    the    stone-built 


PLATE  XLIX 


THEBAN  TEMPLE  OF  PTAH  AT   KARNAK 


PLATE  L 


SMALL   FUNERARY  TENTS   REPRESENTED  ON  A  BAS-RELIEF 
IN  THE  BERLIN  MUSEUM 


PLATE  LI 


ERECTION  OF  A  FUNERARY  TENT  REPRESENTED  ON  A  BAS-RELIEF 

IN  THE  BERLIN  MUSEUM 


PLATE  LII 


L. 


lilUJiJ-lJiJ 


T^  v^\ 


M  yii 


! 

'Wk 

■ 

1 

1 

t 

'\ 

\m\ 


PILLARS  AT  ZAWIET-EL-MAIETIN 


CONCERNING   COLUMNS  137 

temples  they  aimed  at  copying  the  forms  thus  obtained, 
they  failed  to  understand  that  the  stones  had  to  be  arranged 
in  a  manner  corresponding  to  the  arrangement  of  the  bricks. 
Instead,  they  superposed  a  series  of  blocks  on  the  corbel 
principle,  and  then  had  to  trim  off  the  ends  of  these  blocks 
so  as  to  make  a  perfect  semicircle.  This  may  be  seen,  for 
instance,  in  the  Chapel  of  Offerings  at  Deir-el-Bahari  or  in  the 
sanctuaries  of  the  temple  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos. 

Certain  types  of  naos  betray  at  first  sight  evidences  that 
they  are  copied  from  one  material  into  another,  and  this 
occurs  down  to  the  latest  times.  The  granite  naos  of 
Euergetes  II  and  Cleopatra  at  Debod  shows  this  quite 
clearly.  (27)  It  copies  a  shrine  which  is  itself  placed  under 
a  canopy  supported  by  slender  columns,  and  which  recalls  a 
hieroglyph  of  the  Ancient  Empire  which  already  expressed 
the  same  notion. 

These  few  examples  will  enable  us  to  understand  that 
there  existed  in  Ancient  Egypt  an  architecture  which  is  not 
quite  the  same  as  the  architecture  which  has  come  down 
to  us.  This  architecture,  which  we  perceive  throughout 
the  drawings  of  architectural  representations,  might  be  called 
that  of  *'the  living,"  as  opposed  to  the  other,  which  is  rather 
that  of  the  gods  and  of  the  dead.  Thus  the  Egyptians  made 
abundant  use  of  brick,  wood  and  stucco  for  building  their 
palaces  and  houses,  but  these  flimsy  and  ephemeral  materials 
would  not  meet  the  needs  of  almost  unlimited  durability 
which  the  houses  of  the  gods  or  of  the  dead  manifestly 
required.  Numerous  historical  texts  prove  that  one  of  the 
first  cares  of  the  builder  kings  was  to  replace  by  stone  buildings 
the  brick  or  wooden  temples  which  their  predecessors  had 
erected  and  which  were  falling  into  ruin. 

A  Theban  painting  is  very  instructive  in  this  respect.  (28) 
We  see  represented  there  a  house  of  slender  and  elegant 
proportions.  It  is  a  domicile  which  consists  of  a  ground- 
floor,  an  upper  storey,  and  a  gallery  supported  on  little 
columns.  In  the  foreground  is  a  broad  balcony.  A  portico 
with  tall  slender  papyriform  columns  with  open  capitals  shades 
the  house,  the  whole  of  which  appears  to  be  underneath  a 
roof  supported  by  columns.     Draperies  are  suspended  from 


138  EGYPTIAN   ART 

the  cornice.  The  more  one  reads  the  general  descriptions 
of  Egyptian  architecture  in  the  various  handbooks,  which 
are  often  very  summary,  the  more  one  realises  that  they 
do  not  fit  in  with  this  picture  in  the  least  degree.  We  should 
be  tempted  to  say,  with  every  appearance  of  reason,  that 
the  vast  and  majestic  monuments  which  have  come  down 
to  us  through  all  the  ages  really  give  us  no  more  than  a 
faint  echo  of  the  real  creations  of  the  architecture  of  ancient 
Egypt.  Desiring,  for  practical  reasons,  to  build  for  all 
eternity,  without  at  the  same  time  renewing  all  the  traditional 
themes,  the  Egyptian  architects  were  obliged  to  deform 
their  works,  and  to  make  them  heavier  even  to  the  point 
of  modifying  their  character  fundamentally.  We  might 
imagine,  by  way  of  comparison,  the  absurdity  of  a  modern 
architect  who  persisted,  in  the  stone  buildings,  upon  copying 
the  forms  which  would  be  combined  in  the  architecture  of  a 
building  of  steel  construction.  We  have,  then,  to  rid  our- 
selves as  far  as  possible  of  a  veritable  optical  illusion  when 
we  examine  the  greater  number  of  the  architectural  pro- 
ductions of  Egypt,  at  least  in  their  first  development. 

The  same  question  is  equally  in  evidence  when  we  begin 
to  study  sculpture.  Here,  with  a  stone  original  before  us, 
we  have  to  ask  ourselves  whether  the  forms  were  combined 
in  this  material  or  if  they  owe  their  origin  to  wood,  to  ivory, 
or  even  to  metal.  The  conditions  under  which  these 
materials  are  preserved  differ  so  much  that  they  must  be  taken 
into  account  in  any  attempt  to  reconstruct  what  may  have 
taken  place  in  ancient  times.  The  causes  of  destruction 
of  statues  are  numerous.  Egypt,  possessing  no  metal- 
liferous strata,  had  always  to  import  the  raw  material  from 
abroad,  and  consequently  all  objects  of  metal  were  liable 
to  be  melted  down  and  recast.  If  a  bronze  statuette  of  late 
period  could  tell  us  its  history,  it  might  perhaps  tell  us  that 
it  had  come  down  from  age  to  age  through  many  different 
forms.  It  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  metal  statues  are 
so  rare.  Wood,  on  the  other  hand,  is  liable  to  every  possible 
cause  of  destruction  :  dampness,  fire,  and  even  the  voracity 
of  white  ants.  The  very  nature  of  the  statues,  moreover, 
which   made  them   idols   in   the  eyes   of  Christians  and  of 


CONCERNING   COLUMNS  139 

Arabs,  exposed  them  to  complete  destruction  unless  the 
material  of  which  they  were  made  was  of  extreme  hardness.  (29) 
It  would  be  rash  to  attempt  any  kind  of  statistics  in  this 
place,  but  to  gain  some  idea,  it  may  be  supposed  that  for 
every  thousand  metal  statues  scarcely  one  has  been  pre- 
served, whilst  in  the  case  of  stone  statues  it  is  quite  possible 
that  only  10  per  cent,  have  withstood  all  the  causes  of 
destruction.  Thus  the  ancient  numerical  proportion  would 
be  completely  reversed.  Can  anything  analogous  be  quoted 
in  the  case  of  Greek  art  ?  How  much  actually  remains  of 
the  masterpieces  of  the  Ionian  bronze-workers — of  the  works 
of  Myron  for  instance — other  than  copies  in  stone  made  in 
Roman  times  ? 

Bearing  these  facts  in  mind,  let  us  now  examine  a  few 
Egyptian  statues  of  different  periods,  beginning  with  the 
large  metal  statue  of  the  Ancient  Empire  found  at  Hiera- 
konpolis  and  representing  the  King  Pepi  and  his  son.  (30) 
The  bronze-worker  could  without  any  risk  detach  the  arms 
from  the  body  and  separate  the  legs.  In  this  statue  there 
is  no  support  calculated  to  impart  solidity  to  it  except  the 
very  nature  of  the  metal  itself,  which  suffices  to  attain  this 
end.  The  same  freedom  of  action  could  be  obtained  in 
wooden  statues.  But  how  is  the  same  pose  rendered  in 
stone  ?  The  two  statues  of  Sepa  in  the  Louvre  are  manifest 
attempts  to  represent  in  model  in  the  selfsame  attitude.  (31) 
In  point  of  fact  the  left  leg  is  advanced,  but  it  is  only  advanced 
timidly,  and  thus  gives  the  legs,  which  touch,  absolutely 
monstrous  proportions.  The  left  arm,  which  grasps  the 
staff  and  which  ought  to  stand  out  freely  in  front,  is  placed 
in  contact  with  the  chest,  so  that  the  staff  itself  passes  down 
the  body  and  between  the  legs.  The  right  arm  is  attached 
to  the  body  throughout  its  length,  the  palm  of  the  hand 
resting  upon  the  thigh  :  between  the  thumb  and  the  fore- 
finger is  inserted  the  sceptre  or  mace,  which  is  sculptured 
in  relief  along  the  arm.  Is  it  possible  to  doubt  for  a  moment 
that  we  have  here  a  clumsy  example  of  transposition  into 
stone  of  forms  which  had  long  been  executed  in  wood,  or 
perhaps  even  in  metal  ? 

The  Egyptians,  it  is  true,  rapidly  succeeded  in  perfecting 


I40  EGYPTIAN   ART 

the  process  and  of  ridding  it  of  most  of  its  clumsiness,  but 
only  by  recourse  to  supports,  such  as  dorsal  pillars  and 
tenons  of  stone  fixing  the  members  to  one  another  or  to  the 
body.  In  one  of  the  statues  of  Ra-nefer  (32)  the  action  is 
free  and  firm,  and  one  might  easily  forget  the  high  back- 
plate  which  rises  as  far  as  the  neck  as  well  as  the  stone  tenons 
inserted  between  the  arms  and  the  body.  Now  if  we  look 
at  the  statue  in  profile — a  point  of  view  which  the  Egyptians 
probably  never  contemplated,  since  the  statue  was  destined 
to  be  stood  in  a  niche — the  artificiality  is  at  once  apparent. 
The  Greeks  solved  the  problem  in  the  same  way,  but  more 
elegantly,  by  means  of  certain  accessories,  such  as  drapery 
or  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  With  regard  to  the  arms,  the 
Egyptians  dropped  the  traditional  position,  and  made  them 
hang  at  full  length  on  either  side  of  the  body.  The  hands, 
however,  are  not  open,  but  are  grasped  about  a  sort  of  little 
baton  as  a  substitute  for  the  customary  staff.  (33)  In  this 
connection  we  may  note  that  it  is  typical  that  the  statues 
of  women  never  hold  the  baton,  but  are  always  represented 
with  open  hands. 

We  may  now  conveniently  cite  some  other  examples. 
Amongst  the  statuettes  representing  servants,  one  of  the 
most  frequent  is  the  miller  grinding  corn.  It  is  known  in 
wood  (34),  where  naturally  the  arms  are  skilfully  detached 
from  the  trunk.  There  is,  it  is  true,  a  specimen  at  Cairo  (35) 
which  shows  the  same  action  in  stone,  but  generally  working 
in  stone  the  sculptor  has  been  less  daring.  {2^)  Fearing 
lest  the  arms  should  be  broken  in  process  of  separating  them, 
he  has  left  between  the  grinding-stone,  the  arms  and  the 
body  of  the  woman,  a  mass  of  unworked  stone.  This  is 
even  more  noticeable  in  the  figure  of  a  woman  standing 
upright,  who  is  in  the  midst  of  the  process  of  brewing 
beer.  (37) 

The  same  thing  often  occurs  in  later  periods  :  the 
tenons  are  sometimes  so  well  adjusted  that  they  are  scarcely 
perceptible  to  the  eye,  as  in  the  beautiful  statue  of 
Ramesses  II  presenting  a  table  of  offerings,  (38)  while  in 
another  statue  of  the  same  king  the  whole  effect  is  spoilt  by 
the  sculptor's  lack  of  courage  in  cutting  away  the  stone.  (39) 


PLATE  LI  1 1 


^-^?*&-^f^^ .  r: 


GRANITE  NAOS  OF  EVERGETES  II  AND  CLEOPATRA  AT  DEBOD 


PLATE  LTV 


THEBAN  HOUSE   REPRESENTED  IN  THE  TOMB 
OF  NEFER-HOTEP 


PLATE  LV 


HATHOR-COW  OF  THE  SAITE  PERIOD 
FROM  BISSING,  DEXKMALER   AGYPTISCHER  SCULPTUR 


PLATE  LVI 


RAMESSES  VI   IMMOLATING  A  VANQULSHED  FOE 


CONCERNING   COLUMNS  141 

In  figures  of  animals,  when  worked  in  stone,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  detach  the  legs,  and  a  thick  mass  of  stone  is  left 
between  them,  with  the  logical  consequence  of  the  repre- 
sentation of  two  legs  on  either  side,  which  does  not  produce 
a  happy  effect.  The  fine  sculpture  of  the  cow  of  Amen- 
ophis  II  from  Deir-el-Bahari  (40)  is  to  some  extent  spoilt  by 
this  feature  if  seen  in  side  view.  A  sculptor  of  the  Sa'ite  period 
has  overcome  the  difficulty  by  carving  on  each  side  of  the 
central  mass  all  four  legs  of  the  cow,  but  this  is  rather  a 
process  in  bas-relief  than  in  the  round.  (41) 

If  the  rendering  of  isolated  figures  presented  such  diffi- 
culties, one  will  understand  the  position  when  groups  in 
stone  were  concerned.  These,  moreover,  are  very  rare. 
The  figures,  as  we  shall  see,  are  juxtaposed  rather  than 
grouped  ;  but  a  remarkable  exception  is  furnished  by  a 
monument  of  Ramesses  VI  (42),  in  which  an  attempt  is  made 
to  render  a  scene  already  known  to  us  by  the  bas-reliefs  : 
the  king  immolating  a  vanquished  enemy  with  his  club. 
The  arm  which  should  be  raised  above  the  head,  brandishing 
the  weapon,  is  carefully  placed  against  the  chest,  as  we  have 
just  seen  in  the  case  of  the  left  arm  of  Sepa. 

It  is  possible  that  difficulties  of  execution  may  explain 
in  a  similar  way  a  process  which  we  notice  frequently  in 
family  groups,  particularly  in  the  Ancient  Empire.  The 
principal  personage  is  represented  in  large  dimensions,  whilst 
on  the  lower  part  of  the  group  are  sculptured  representations 
of  the  wife  and  children.  (43) 

We  may  instance  a  few  examples  of  supports  whereby 
it  is  possible  to  render  elements  which  stand  out  from  the 
principal  mass  of  the  statue,  as,  for  example,  the  religious 
emblems  held  in  the  hands  of  kings  or  of  priests.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  on  a  pillar  at  Florence,  to  which  refer- 
ence was  made  earlier  in  this  chapter,  a  high-priest  of  Ptah 
is  seen  holding  a  tall  staff  surmounted  by  the  head  of  a 
lioness.  Numerous  statues  of  the  New  Empire  show  us 
persons  holding  staves  surmounted  by  heads  of  various 
kinds.  The  staff  itself  is  joined  on  to  the  body,  which 
presents  no  difficulty  ;  the  sacred  emblem  is  brought  to 
the  same  level   as  the  shoulder,   in   such  a  way  that  it  is 


142  EGYPTIAN   ART 

attached  to  the  head  of  the  figure.  We  may  cite  as  an 
example  a  statue  of  Ramesses  III  holding  a  wand  surmounted 
by  a  ram's  head,  (44)  or  a  statue  usurped  by  the  first  prophet 
of  Amon,  Seshonk,  where  the  wand  bears  a  head  of  the 
goddess  Hathor.  (45)  The  religious  ensigns  were  often 
supported,  as  we  have  seen,  by  a  kneeling  figure.  This 
type  is  likewise  transposed  into  stone  with  even  greater 
modifications.  Senmut,  the  famous  architect  of  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty,  is  represented,  in  a  statue  found  in  the  temple  of  Mut 
at  Karnak,  (46)  in  a  kneeling  posture,  holding  before  him 
the  upper  part  of  a  Hathor  emblem.  A  thick  block  of  stone, 
which  makes  the  whole  production  heavy,  is  left  between 
the  emblem  and  the  body  of  the  man  who  holds  it.  Another 
example  combines  two  different  emblems  :  this  is  the  statue 
of  Horkheb,  of  the  XXIInd  dynasty,  where  the  kneeling 
figure  holds  before  it  a  kind  of  pedestal,  bearing  on  its 
anterior  face  the  upper  part  of  the  Hathor  emblem  and  on 
the  top  a  ram's  head.  (47) 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1.  Borchardt,  L.,   Die  agyptiscJie  Pflanxensdule,  Berlin,  1897,  pp.  53   sqq. 

2.  Wilcken,  U.,  Die  Bedentung  der  dgyptischen  PJianzensduIen,  in  the 
Zeitschrifi  fUr  dgyptische  Sprache,  t.  39,  1901,  pp.  66-70. 

3.  Borchardt,  L.,  Die  Cyperussdule,  in  the  TLeitschrift  fiir  dgyptische  Sprache, 
t.  40,  1902-3,  p.  49. 

4.  Spiegelberg,  W.,  Der  Stabkultus  bei  den  Agyptern,  in  the  Recueil  de 
travaux,  t.  25,  1903,  pp.  184-90;  Varia,  §  LXXXII,  zur  dgyptischen  Stab- 
kultus, ibid.,  t.  28,  1906,  pp.  163-5. 

5.  Gorringe,  H.  H.,  Egyptian  Obelisks,  London,  1885. 

6.  Bissing,  F.  W.,  Lesefriichte,  §  38.  Obeliskenpaare  vor  Grdbern,  in  the 
Recueil  de  travaux,  t.  34,  1912,  pp.  21-2. 

7.  Capart,  J.,  Le  Temple  de  S/ti  P%  Brussels,  191 2,  pis.  XXVIII-XXIX, 

8.  Milani,  L.  A.,  //  R.  Museo  Archeologica  di  Firenze,  Florence,  191 2. 
t.  ii.,  pi.  I. 

9.  Boeser,  P.  A.  A.,  Die  Monumenten  von  het  nieuzoe  Ryk.  Part  I,  Graven, 
La  Haye,  191 1,  pi.  XXVIIL 

10.  Mariette,  A.,  Abydos,  t.  ii.,  Paris,  1880,  pi.  33  ;  SteindorfF,  G.,  Die 
Bliitezeit  des  Pharaonenreicks,  Bielefeld,   1900,  fig.  66,  p.  77. 

11.  Capart,  J.,  Le  Temple  de  Siti  P*,  Brussels,  191 2,  pi.  XLVI. 

12.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmdler,  Part  I,  pis.  1 14-15. 

13.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  PArt  dgyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pL  36, 


CONCERNING   COLUMNS  143 

14.  Wilkinson,  G.,  The  Architecture  of  Ancient  Egypt,  London,  1850, 
pi.  XI,  fig.  4. 

15.  Chapter  V,  p.  77, 

16.  Mariette,  A.,  A  by  Jos,  t.  ii.,  Paris,  1880,  pi.  ro. 

17.  Blackman,  A.  M.,  The  Temple  of  D err,  Cairo,  1913,  pi.  LXII. 

18.  Gauthier,  H.,  Le  Temple  de  Kalabchah,  Cairo,  1911,  pi.  Ill  sqq.  See 
Roder,  G.,  Die  B  lumen  der  his  von  Phi  Ice,  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  dgyptische 
Sprache,  t.  48,  1910,  pp.  11 5-123. 

19.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  r Art  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.   68. 

20.  Bouriant,  U.,  G.  Legrain  and  G.  Jequier,  Monuments  pour  servir  i 
Vitude  du  culte  d"" Atonou  en  Egypte,  t.  i.,  Cairo,  1903,  pi.  I. 

21.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii., 
pi.  49, 

22.  Maspero,  G.,  Egypt  {Ars  Una),  London,  1921,  fig.  435,  p.  227. 

23.  Erman,  A.,  Aus  dem  Grabe  eines  Hohenpriesters  von  Memphis,  in  the 
Zeitschrift  fiir  agyptische  Sprache,  t.  xxxiii.,  1895,  pis.  I-II ;  Puchstein,  O., 
Die  lonische  Saule,  Leipzig,  1907,  figs.  22-4,  pp.  20-1. 

24.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmdler,  Part  I,  pi.  57  ;  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de 
PArt  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  i.,  pi.  15. 

25.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Nefer-ir-ke-re,  Leipzig, 
1909,  fig.  20,  p.  22. 

26.  See  Chapter  VI,  pp.  91-2. 

27.  Roder,  G.,  Debod  bis  Bab  Kalabache,  Cairo,  191 1,  t.  ii.,  pi.  36. 

28.  Rosellini,  Monumenti  civili,  pi.  68  ;  Erman,  A.,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt, 
London,  1894,  p.  176. 

29.  See  Kugener,  A.,  Vie  de  Sivere  par  Zacharie  le  Scholastique,  in  the 
Patrologia  orientalis,  hj  GrafEn  and  Nan,  t.  ii.,  i,  pp.  16  sqq. 

30.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  and  F.  W.  Green,  Hiirakonpolis,  Part  II,  London, 
1902,  pis.  L-LII. 

31.  Bissing,  F.  W.,  Denkmdler  dgyptischer  Sculptur,  Munich,  1914,  pi.  5- 

32.  Capart,  Jean,  Some  Remarks  on  the  Sheikh  el-Be  led,  in  the  Journal 
of  Egyptian  Archeology,  t.  vi.,  1920,  pi.  XXVI. 

33.  Spiegelberg,  W.,  Varia,  §  LXXXVIII.  Der  '' Steinkern"  in  der 
Hand  von  Statuen,  in  the  Recueil  de  travaux  relatifs  a  la  philologie  et  a  Parchi- 
ologie  igyptiennes,  t.  28,  1906,  pp.  174-6. 

34.  Capart,  Jean,  Recueil  de  Monuments  ^gyptiens,  t.  ii.,  Brussels,  1905, 
pi.  LIII. 

35.  Borchardt,  L.,  Statuen  und  Statue tten  von  Konigen  und  Privatleuten 
{Catalogue  g/n&al),  t.  i.,  Cairo,  191 1,  pi.  25,  n.  114. 

36.  Ibid.,  pi.  24,  n.  no. 

37.  Ibid.,  pi.  26,  n.  118. 

38.  Legrain,  G.,  Statues  et  Statuettes  de  rois  et  de  particuliers,  t,  ii.,  Cairo 
1909,  pi.  IV. 

39.  Ibid.,  pi.  VI. 

40.  Naville,  E.,  The  Xlth  Dynasty  Temple  at  Deir-el-Bahari,  Part  I,  London, 
1907,  pis.  XXIX-XXX. 

41.  Bissing,  F.  W.,  Denkmdler  dgyptischer  Sculptur,  Munich,  19 14,  pi.  73. 

42.  Legrain,  G.,  Statues  et  Statuettes  de  rois  et   de  particuliers,  t.  ii.,  Cairo, 


144  EGYPTIAN   ART 

1909,  pi.  XV;  Bissing,  F.  W.,  Denkmaler  agyptiscier  Sculptur,  Munich,  1914^ 
pi.  55^. 

43.  Borchardt,  L.,  Statuen  und  Statuetten  von    Konigen  und  PrivatleuteHf 
t.  i.,  Cairo,  1911,  pi.  ir,  n.  44;   pi.  16,  n.  62,  etc. 

44.  Legrain,  G.,  Statues  et  Statuettes  de  rots  et  de  particuliers,  t.  ii,,  Cairo, 
1909,  pi.  XIII. 

45.  Ibid.,  t.  iii.,  Cairo,  1914,  pi.  III. 

46.  Benson,  M.,  and  J.  Gourlay,  The  Temple  of  Mut  in  Asher,  London, 
1899,  pi.  XII,  p.  164. 

47.  Legrain,  G.,  Statues  et  Statuettes  de  rois  et  de  particuliers,  t.  iii,,  Cairo, 
1914,  pi.  XXIIL 


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CHAPTER   X 

THE   CONVENTIONS    OF   EGYPTIAN 

DRAWING 

Plans. 

WHEN  the  Egyptians  drew  plans  they  combined 
various  modern  principles — plan,  elevation  and 
section.  We  will  first  of  all  take  a  purely  theo- 
retical case.  If  the  Egyptians  wished  to  draw  a  store- 
chamber  full  of  jars,  they  traced  the  plan  just  as  we  should  ; 
then  at  the  doorway  they  drew  the  outline  of  the  door  in 
elevation  ;  finally  they  carefully  filled  all  the  free  space  with 
jars  ranged  one  above  the  other.  We  will  suppose  that  the 
door  faces  us  as  we  look  upon  the  plan,  but  if  the  door  is  in 
one  of  the  lateral  walls,  instead  of  drawing  it  flat,  the  Egyptian 
preferred  to  stand  it  up,  describing  a  quarter  of  a  circle 
from  the  base,  so  that  it  stands  upon  the  base-line  facing 
the  spectator,  the  details  of  the  outline  of  its  frame  being 
carefully  indicated.  The  examination  of  several  examples 
will  enable  us  to  follow  more  accurately  what  has  just  been 
stated  in  general  terms. 

Egyptian  plans  have  been  discovered  upon  papyrus, 
upon  limestone  flakes,  or  upon  potsherds  (ostraka),  and 
again — and  these  are  important — upon  the  walls  of  tombs  at 
Thebes  and  at  Tell-el-Amarna.  As  specimens  of  simple 
plans  we  may  cite  the  plan  of  a  royal  tomb,  preserved  in  a 
papyrus  in  the  Turin  Museum,  (i)  and  another  on  a  slice 
of  limestone  in  the  Cairo  Museum.  (2)  In  the  tomb  of 
Nefer-renpet  (a  contemporary  of  Ramesses  II)  at  Thebes, 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  treasury  of  Amon,  the  administra- 
tion of  the  temple  of  the  great  Theban  god  is  represented.  (3) 
A  great  gateway,  which  is  laid  horizontally,  opens  out  of  an 

10  '45 


146  EGYPTIAN   ART 

alley  planted  with  trees.  Within  a  large  court  may  be  seen 
different  chambers,  the  doors  of  which  are  planned  in  three 
different  directions  :  upwards,  downwards  and  laterally. 
In  the  storehouses  of  the  temple  of  Tell-el-Amarna,  depicted 
in  the  tomb  of  Meryra,  the  buildings  are  arranged  in  four 
groups  of  rooms,  separated  by  a  cross-shaped  courtyard 
planted  with  trees.  (4)  Here  all  the  doors  which  would  face 
the  spectator  in  a  picture  of  the  site  are  traced  standing 
upright  ;  all  the  lateral  doors,  on  the  contrary,  are  turned  as 
a  pivot  for  a  quarter  of  a  turn  before  being  drawn  in  the 
plan.  It  must  also  be  observed  how  the  porticoes  which  run 
along  each  range  of  storehouses  are  treated.  The  columns 
are  placed  on  end  one  above  the  other,  but  separated  by 
the  architraves,  which  join  them  to  the  lintels  of  the  doorways 
giving  access  to  each  of  the  rooms.  (5) 

Certain  monuments  at  Tell-el-Amarna  are  represented 
several  times — now  seen  in  profile,  now  full-face,  which 
enable  us  to  make  some  interesting  comparisons.  It  will 
be  better  for  the  moment  to  leave  aside  the  extraordinarily 
complex  representations  of  temples,  in  which  many  of  the 
elements  are  extremely  difficult  to  interpret  by  our  modern 
conceptions,  so  we  will  confine  ourselves  to  a  description  of 
the  more  simple  representation  of  the  palace  of  Amenophis  IV 
depicted  in  the  tomb  of  Meryra. 

The  first  picture  shows  us  the  building  full-face.  (6) 
We  will  begin  by  studying  its  plan.  The  thing  that  meets 
the  eye  is  a  large  court,  then  three  rooms  of  almost  equal 
size  which  fill  the  whole  width  of  the  building,  after  which 
is  a  large  hall  occupying  the  whole  width  ;  behind  this  is  a 
corridor  from  which  a  series  of  chambers  opens  ;  at  the  end 
of  the  corridor  a  little  antechamber  gives  access  to  the  further- 
most room.  We  must  now  examine  the  architectural  details 
drawn  upon  the  plan.  Access  to  the  building  from  the 
court  is  gained  by  a  great  porch  in  the  centre,  and  on  each 
side  of  it  by  a  door  of  smaller  proportions.  At  the  end 
of  the  court  is  a  large  room  of  which  the  roof  is  supported 
by  columns,  and  its  anterior  part,  which  is  not  com- 
pletely walled  up,  is  occupied  by  a  balcony  wherein 
the  king   sits   on   the   occasion   of  festivals   and   receptions. 


EGYPTIAN   DRAWING   CONVENTIONS       147 

The  balcony-hall  is  flanked  by  two  other  chambers,  the 
ceilings  of  which  are  upheld  by  open-capitaled  papyriform 
columns.  The  great  broad  hall,  with  four  columns  in  its 
width,  is  evidently  the  dining-room  ;  in  the  centre  may  be 
seen  the  table  loaded  with  provisions,  on  either  side  of 
which  are  chairs.  On  stands  and  racks  are  arranged  pro- 
visions and  large  jars.  A  single  door  leads  from  the  dining- 
room  to  the  corridor  beyond.  All  the  chambers  which  open 
directly  upon  the  corridor  seem  to  contain  stores  of  various 
kinds,  whilst  the  last,  which  is  reached  by  a  little  vestibule 
at  the  end  of  the  passage,  is  none  other  than  the  king's 
bedroom.  Here  the  bed  may  be  seen  with  its  mattress  and 
pillow. 

Another  picture  shows  the  palace  in  profile.  (7)  Here 
again  we  see  first  the  court,  the  plan  of  which  is  necessarily 
drawn  this  time  lengthwise  instead  of  broadwise.  The  great 
porch  is  turned  round  to  face  the  spectator  before  being 
drawn  in  the  plan.  Below  is  a  smaller  door  :  the  upper 
door,  for  some  reason,  has  disappeared.  In  the  axis  of  the 
great  doorway  we  can  recognise  the  balcony-hall,  which  is 
planned  so  as  to  present  it  full-face,  but  it  has  undergone 
considerable  contraction  in  order  to  fit  it  into  the  available 
space.  Here  too  an  additional  detail  may  be  discerned, 
for  the  balcony  is  preceded  by  a  portico,  supported  on  two 
columns,  which  is  omitted  from  the  full-face  picture.  Above 
and  below  the  balcony  are  the  lateral  chambers,  with  the 
doors  leading  to  the  court  and  to  the  dining-room,  which 
are  omitted  in  the  first  picture.  We  now  come  to  the 
dining-room,  the  ceiling  of  which  is  supported  by  two  rows 
of  columns  arranged  lengthwise,  which  seems  to  imply 
that  there  were  two  rows  of  four  columns  each.  It  is 
noticeable  the  drawing  indicates  rather  the  type  of  the  columns 
than  their  proportions.  Their  size  in  the  picture  is  governed 
purely  by  the  space  available  for  them  ;  accordingly  they 
are  foreshortened  in  the  front-view  picture  and  elongated 
in  the  profile  view.  In  the  centre  we  see  the  table  and  the 
two  royal  chairs,  and  as  in  the  first  picture  they  were  placed 
symmetrically  on  either  side,  in  this  one  they  are  evidently 
placed   side   by   side.     At   the   end   of  the   corridor  which 


148  EGYPTIAN   ART 

leads  to  the  farther  rooms  we  find  the  little  vestibule  which 
gives  access  to  the  king's  bedroom.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
whatever  but  that  both  pictures  represent  one  and  the  same 
domicile,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  various  elements  reveals 
in  a  particularly  clear  manner  the  conventional  processes 
employed  in   Egyptian   plan-drawing. 

We  have  just  seen  one  architectural  part,  the  balcony- 
hall,  traced  on  the  plan  as  having  been  partly  turned  round 
— a  device  which  is  often  resorted  to  in  depicting  certain 
details.  Thus,  in  a  bas-relief  of  the  temple  of  Luxor  in 
which  the  facade  of  the  temple  is  depicted,  the  royal  colossi 
which  adorn  it  are  drawn  in  profile  as  though  they  were 
turned  round  in  such  a  way  as  to  look  upon  persons  entering 
the  building,  although  in  reality  these  colossi,  which  have 
survived  to  this  day,  are  seated  with  their  backs  to  the 
structure  of  the  pylon.  Here  the  figures  are  turned 
symmetrically  towards  the  interior  ;  in  the  tomb  of  Amen- 
hotep-si-se,  on  the  face  of  a  pylon  the  colossi  are  turned 
round  so  as  to  look  outwards.  (8) 

Composition  of  the  Human  Form. — In  drawing  the  human 
figure  similar  artifices  were  employed  to  those  we  have  just 
dealt  with  in  the  case  of  architectural  drawings  :  the  Egyp- 
tian, in  drawing  a  man  in  profile,  nevertheless  lays  down  in 
plan  all  such  parts  as  do  not  appear  to  him  to  be  sufficiently 
characteristic  in  silhouette  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  shoulder-line 
and  part  of  the  kilt.  Moreover,  he  never  omitted  to  draw 
the  eye  full-face  on  a  head  seen  in  profile.  We  will  take 
as  an  example  one  of  the  panels  of  Hesi  which  dates  from 
the  end  of  the  Ilird  dynasty,  one  of  the  earliest  examples 
we  have  of  large  upright  figures  drawn  with  full  detail.  (9) 
The  face  is  in  profile,  the  chest  also  ;  the  line  of  the  back, 
too,  is  seen  from  the  side,  and  the  sculptor  has  been  careful 
to  indicate  on  the  other  side  the  nipple  of  the  breast.  The 
position  of  the  navel  shows  that  the  belly  is  likewise  in  profile, 
whilst  the  shoulder-line,  on  which  the  collar-bones  are 
carefully  and  symmetrically  indicated,  is  absolutely  full-face. 
Here  we  have  a  formally  conceived  process  without  any 
attempt  to  work  in  some  transition  between  the  different 
points  of  view.      It  is  not  a  case  of  inexperience,  as  is  often 


EGYPTIAN   DRAWING   CONVENTIONS      149 

alleged  ;  it  is  a  habit  learned  by  the  draughtsmen  in  making 
architectural  plans.  The  pose  which  we  always  find  in 
statues  in  the  round  shows  the  subject  in  the  attitude  of 
walking,  the  left  leg  advanced,  holding  a  staff  in  the  right 
hand  and  a  kind  of  sceptre  or  mace  in  the  left.  The  walking 
figure  looking  towards  the  right  is  the  normal  and  funda- 
mental type.  Any  example,  chosen  haphazard  from  hun- 
dreds, would  show  the  subject  exactly  in  this  position,  but 
sometimes  the  clothing  displays  some  variation.  Instead 
of  a  tightly  fitting  kilt  without  folds,  we  may  see  a  fuller 
kilt  ending  in  a  stiff  boardlike  piece  projecting  in  front. 
This  kind  of  projection,  which  is  represented  as  triangular, 
is  drawn  in  plan  as  facing  the  spectator,  instead  of  being 
seen  in  profile.  (10) 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  two  figures  placed  on  the 
same  wall  and  facing  one  another  :  for  example,  those  in 
the  tomb  of  Mer-ab  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  (i  i)  On  the 
left  we  have  the  prince  in  the  normal  position  looking  towards 
the  right  :  the  detail  of  the  hands  shows  with  precision  that 
the  hand  which  grasps  the  long  staff  is  really  a  left  hand, 
whilst  that  which  holds  the  sceptre  is  really  a  right  hand. 
This  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  sceptre 
or  mace  in  the  right  hand  passes  behind  the  body  instead 
of  in  front.  But  in  this  case  the  left  hand,  that  which  holds 
the  staff,  ought,  instead  of  showing  the  fingers,  to  show 
the  back  of  the  hand,  and  here  we  meet  with  one  of  the 
strangest  faults  of  Egyptian  drawing.  The  figure  has  really 
two  right  hands,  one  of  which  is  attached  to  the  left  wrist. 
Now,  if  we  look  at  the  lower  part  of  the  figures,  we  shall 
see  that  the  feet  are  treated  in  exactly  the  same  manner, 
so  that  the  left-hand  picture  of  Prince  Mer-ab  has  two 
left  feet,  and  the  right-hand  picture  two  right  feet.  In  the 
same  way  we  see  scribes  depicted  as  writing  with  a  left 
hand  put  on  to  a  right  arm.  The  cause  of  these  mistakes 
has  been  lucidly  explained  by  M.  Pottier,  who  has  shown 
that  they  are  accounted  for  by  drawing  originally  from  a 
shadow.  (12)  A  silhouette  is  of  itself  neither  right  nor 
left,  and  its  determination  is  exclusively  derived  from  the 
interior  details  and  lines  which  are  afterwards  added.     If 


I50  EGYPTIAN   ART 

the  artist  works  in  a  mechanical  way  and  without  thinking  out 
each  figure,  he  is  liable  to  fall  into  serious  mistakes  such 
as  those  we  have  just  noticed.  M.  Pottier  has  also  shown 
that  the  Egyptians  transmitted  their  practices  of  drawing  to 
the  Greeks  in  the  seventh  century,  and  that  the  pupils, 
despite  all  their  artistic  genius,  clung  for  a  long  time  to  the 
faults  of  their  teachers. 

It  would  be  a  mistake  to  imagine  that  the  Egyptians 
invariably  held  to  these  figures,  in  which  different  parts  seen 
from  two  different  points  of  view  are  superposed  without 
any  regard  to  the  difference  which  exists  between  the  image 
so  rendered  and  the  real  image  produced  by  the  body  on 
the  retina.  In  tombs  of  all  periods  there  are  what  might 
be  called  attempts  at  representations  which  are  more  in 
keeping  with  our  methods  of  drawing  objects.  Sometimes, 
as  in  the  tomb  of  Horankhma  at  Saqqara,  only  half  the 
process  is  abandoned.  A  stout  man  with  a  fat  breast  displays 
a  right  shoulder  which  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  correctly 
articulated.  But  the  left  shoulder,  which  ought  to  be 
concealed  by  the  right,  has  been  drawn  in  by  the  draughts- 
man. It  must  be  admitted  that,  thanks  to  the  gesture  of  the 
figure,  who  is  lifting  a  group  of  geese,  this  misplaced  shoulder 
is  hidden  by  wings  and  feathers.  (13)  Certain  figures  of 
persons  turning  round  have  given  an  excellent  pretext  for 
showing  the  shoulders  full-face  upon  a  body  in  profile.  (14) 
We  can  find  no  fault  in  the  female  figure  who  is  turning 
round  in  the  banqueting  scene  in  the  tomb  of  Nakht  at 
Thebes,  (15)  but  what  an  awkward  movement  we  perceive 
in  her  neighbour,  who  is  offering  her  an  aromatic  fruit  to 
smell  !  Probably  with  the  desire  to  unite  this  last  figure 
to  the  group  of  women  which  follows,  the  artist  has  arranged 
the  woman's  arms  in  an  absolutely  impossible  attitude.  On 
the  other  hand,  we  cannot  but  unreservedly  admire  the  little 
nude  figure  of  the  slave  who  bends  forward  to  adjust  the 
ear-ring  of  one  of  the  ladies,  and  who  is  drawn  in  profile  in 
an  absolutely  charming  manner.  Again,  we  may  refer  to 
the  figures  of  young  girls  in  the  tomb  of  Menna  :  one, 
standing  in  the  stern  of  a  canoe  laden  with  birds  and  bunches 
of  flowers,  turns  round  very  gracefully.  (16)     In  the  middle 


EGYPTIAN   DRAWING   CONVENTIONS      151 

of  the  canoe  a  little  naked  girl  stoops  forward  with  a  very- 
natural  movement  to  gather  lotus  flowers  from  the  surface 
of  the  water.  In  the  tomb  of  Rekhmara  we  witness  a  series 
of  groups  busying  themselves  with  their  mistresses'  toilet.  (17) 
We  see  the  serving-maids  hurrying  around  their  mistresses 
from  one  side  to  the  other,  some  of  the  figures  being  drawn 
on  the  usual  conventional  lines,  whilst  others  are  represented 
in  perfectly  accurate  profile  ;  once  even,  a  back-view  figure 
is  drawn.  (18) 

A  fragment  of  fresco  in  the  British  Museum  shows  two 
figures  full-face,  but  this  is  quite  exceptional.  (19)  Can  it 
be  maintained,  in  view  of  such  examples  as  these,  that  the 
representation  of  full-face  shoulders  on  a  profile  body  is 
the  result  of  inexperience  in  art  and  of  feeble  groping 
in  the  study  of  rendering  the  human  figure  .''  No,  this 
process  is  quite  conscious,  voluntary  and  methodical. 

Grouping  of  Figures. — Although  countless  scenes  in  reliefs 
of  all  periods  are  available  for  examination,  we  will  confine 
our  attention  here  to  a  few  general  remarks  upon  the  relative 
proportions  of  the  figures.  It  is  probable  that  the  funda- 
mental principle  was  not  so  much  the  social  importance 
of  the  subject  as  the  desire  to  express  the  principal  action 
in  a  clear  and  distinct  manner,  and  to  detach  it  from  other 
details  which  were  considered  as  accessory.  Let  us  examine, 
for  instance,  a  historic  scene  which  shows  Ramesses  II 
conquering  a  Syrian  town.  (20)  Our  own  historical  painters 
never  thought  of  composing  their  subject  as  the  Egyptian 
artist  did,  but  they  did  not  succeed  so  well  as  the  ancients 
in  producing  a  picture  so  telling  at  first  glance.  The  king, 
occupying  the  entire  height  of  the  panel,  has  grasped  the 
Canaanean  chief  by  the  hair  and  is  about  to  behead  him. 
The  enemy  held  fast  by  the  king's  right  hand  must  be  of 
the  same  height  as  his  captor  ;  for  it  would  be  absurd  to 
represent  the  royal  fist  as  falling  upon  a  head  of  pigmy 
proportions.  The  vanquished  chief  brandishing  his  bow, 
placed  at  the  upper  end  of  the  crenelated  walls  of  the  town, 
will  thus  be  of  the  same  size  as  the  king.  A  stage  lower 
down  are  represented  characteristic  types  of  the  population  : 
a  priest  burning  incense,  a  woman  lamenting,  another  with 


152  EGYPTIAN   ART 

an  infant,  a  warrior  who  has  finished  shooting  with  his  bow 
makes  a  gesture  of  submission,  a  woman  weeps,  a  dead  man 
falls  from  the  walls.  Could  one  explain  more  clearly  that 
the  town  is  conquered  and  that  it  has  surrendered  to  its 
captor  ?  Towards  the  bottom  of  the  scene,  in  the  free 
space  left  between  the  body  of  the  king  and  the  walls  of  the 
fortress,  one  of  the  princes  is  represented  who  accompanied 
his  father  in  the  expedition. 

A  fine  example  of  the  adaptation  of  figures  to  the  space 
available  for  decoration  is  afforded  by  the  body  of  the  chariot 
of  Tuthmosis  IV.  (21)  In  the  centre  stands  out  boldly  the 
figure  of  the  king  fighting  in  his  chariot  drawn  by  a  pair 
of  galloping  horses.  The  king  has  seized  by  the  hair  two 
of  his  foes  who  are  themselves  mounted  in  a  chariot,  which 
is  partly  hidden  behind  the  horses  of  the  royal  team.  In 
front  and  below,  in  the  free  space  around  the  principal  episode, 
is  represented  an  indescribable  melee^  where  we  see  a  chariot 
in  flight,  and  others  hurled  hither  and  thither  in  disorder, 
smashed,  and  flinging  broadcast  upon  the  ground  their 
charioteers  and  soldiers  transfixed  by  arrows.  Certainly 
confusion  reigns  supreme,  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine 
a  better  means  of  expressing,  in  a  single  glance,  the  disorder 
wrought  in  the  enemy's  ranks  by  the  triumphal  advent  of  the 
king. 

To  introduce  some  semblance  of  order,  the  elements 
which  seem  so  confused  when  drawn  in  mass  are  sometimes 
arranged  in  registers.  Thus,  for  example,  in  a  hunting- 
scene  in  the  tomb  of  Userhet,  (22)  the  deceased,  shooting 
from  his  car  in  full  gallop,  has  drawn  his  bow  upon  numerous 
animals  which  fly  distractedly  but  which  are  nevertheless 
divided  into  a  series  of  registers  one  above  the  other. 

Arrangement  of  Figures  in  Groups. — A  man  and  woman 
who  are  really  one  beside  the  other  are  drawn  as  though 
they  were  one  behind  the  other.  In  such  cases  the  two 
outlines  are  sharply  distinguished  from  one  another  :  some- 
times, and  more  especially  when  dealing  with  exactly  similar 
figures,  one  is  placed  over  the  other  so  that  they  almost 
coincide.  In  this  case  the  contours  follow  one  another 
closely,   and  are  the  only  indication   that  there  are  several 


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EGYPTIAN   DRAWING   CONVENTIONS      153 

figures  side  by  side.  (23)  One  part  of  a  scene  in  the  tomb 
of  Khaemhet  at  Thebes  is  a  very  instructive  study  in  grouping, 
both  of  isolated  figures  and  of  groups  of  two,  or  even  three 
or  four.  (24)  The  silhouettes  fall  slightly  one  behind  the 
other,  but  the  draughtsman  has  considered  the  figures  as 
really  having  only  two  dimensions  :  otherwise  one  could 
not  understand  the  arrangement  of  the  arms  of  the  sitting 
figures  in  relation  to  the  bodies  of  the  erect  figures  which 
preceded  them.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  by  this  latter  means 
the  Egyptians  gave  effect  to  true  perspective.  They  failed 
to  understand,  however,  that  the  height  of  the  heads  must 
be  progressively  diminished  and  at  the  same  time  a  vanishing 
line  for  the  feet  must  be  established.  In  this  example 
(tomb  of  Khaemhet)  the  heads  are  not  absolutely  all  of  one 
height  in  each  group  :  for  some,  a  slight  diminution,  but  for 
others,  on  the  contrary,  an  augmentation  in  height  is  intro- 
duced— which  is  absolutely  contradictory. 

Some  weird  instances  of  grouping  in  outline  are  furnished 
by  the  great  temples.  The  subject  is  of  the  king  immo- 
lating his  enemies  in  the  presence  of  a  presiding  god.  We 
have  seen  this  theme  treated  simply  in  the  time  of  the  earliest 
dynasties,  where  the  king  was  concerned  with  a  single 
enemy.  But  as  conquests  extended  to  more  and  more 
numerous  populations,  it  was  desired  to  symbolise  in  a  single 
picture  the  king's  victory  over  all  his  foes,  and  the  artifice 
adopted  was  to  collect  a  veritable  bevy  of  enemies  into  the 
king's  grasp.  A  glance  at  an  example  of  Tuthmosis  III 
at  Karnak(2  5)  will  show  the  whole  idea  far  more  clearly 
than  any  verbal  description.  It  will  be  noted  that  in  this 
group  several  of  the  enemies  are  represented  full-face.  The 
execution  of  some  of  the  faces  is  such  as  to  lead  us  to  think 
that  the  sculptor  would  not  have  had  much  trouble,  with  a 
little  application,  in  surmounting  the  difficulties  which  this 
theme  presents. 

Certain  bas-reliefs  show  attempts  to  represent  deep 
masses  or  crowds  of  people.  The  arrangement  of  the  different 
ranks  on  successive  planes  is  quite  regular  in  the  army  of 
Ramesses  II  on  the  march,  where  a  bird's-eye  perspective 
is    employed.  (26)     At   Beit-el- Wali   the   tribe    of   negroes 


154  EGYPTIAN   ART 

vanquished  by  Ramesses  II  is  put  to  flight,  and  is  shown 
dispersed  hither  and  thither  on  the  relief.  (27)  The  group 
of  wailing  women  in  the  tomb  of  Ramose  shows  an  ingenious 
device  to  express  the  crowd  of  women  who  make  lamentation 
as  the  funeral  procession  draws  near.  (28) 

Complex  Scenes. — Representation  of  different  successive 
"  grounds  "  is  obtained  by  means  of  breaking  up  the  scene 
into  registers  so  as  to  indicate  with  as  much  precision  and 
clearness  as  possible  the  elements  which  stretch  farther 
and  farther  away  from  the  spectator's  eye.  In  the  tomb 
of  Ptah-hetep  at  Saqqara  (29)  is  a  scene  with  a  river  in  the 
foreground  with  its  plants  and  fish.  On  the  surface  of 
the  stream  float  papyrus-skiffs  the  crews  of  which  are  fighting 
with  quarter-staves.  A  little  higher,  in  the  marshy  thickets 
of  the  river,  we  witness  a  scene  of  bird-snaring  ;  farther 
on  again,  on  dry  land,  boat-building  is  proceeding  ;  and 
finally,  in  the  background,  is  the  desert  with  its  wild  animals. 
In  the  tomb  of  Ti,  (30)  amongst  the  agricultural  subjects, 
four  successive  registers  depict  the  harvest  scene  in  the 
following  order  from  the  top  downwards  :  first,  cutting 
corn  ;  second,  binding  sheaves,  tying  them  up,  whilst  asses, 
with  their  drivers,  come  up  in  groups  to  be  laden  ;  third, 
the  asses  are  laden  and  driven  on  ;  fourth,  unloading  is 
carried  on  and  stacks  built  up. 

In  the  tomb  of  Huy  at  Thebes,  we  see  Ethiopians  bringing 
tribute  to  the  King  of  Egypt.  The  whole  procession  is 
broken  up  into  four  bands  of  equal  height  ;  at  the  end  of  the 
last  band  is  drawn  the  doorway  through  which  the  whole 
procession  has  passed. 

Representation  of  Landscape. — This  is  always  quite  sum- 
mary, the  artist  being  content  with  mere  general  and 
conventional  indications.  The  most  frequent  subject  is  the 
garden,  treated  in  plan  with  vegetation  laid  down  regularly 
in  four  directions  as  in  the  tomb  of  Rekhmara,  (31)  where 
the  trees,  grouped  around  the  pond,  are  laid  down  in  the 
four  directions  (or  rather  in  eight  directions,  as  the  trees  at 
the  angles  lie  diagonally).  The  picture  is  in  a  sense  radiated 
in  such  a  way  as  to  suppose  that  the  observer  stands  in  the 
middle  of  the  scene.     Sometimes,  however,  all  the  elements 


EGYPTIAN   DRAWING   CONVENTIONS       155 

are  laid  in  one  direction  only.  A  comparison  should  be 
made  between  the  gardens  of  Rekhmara  and  of  Amen- 
emheb.  (32) 

A  hunting-ground  is  often  characterised  by  gentle 
undulations  on  which  from  time  to  time  very  modest  indi- 
cations of  vegetation  occur.  An  example  of  this  may  be 
found  in  the  temple  of  Sahure.  (33) 

In  certain  agricultural  scenes  the  draughtsmen  have 
attempted  to  depart  from  the  severe  alignment  of  regular 
registers,  but  with  not  very  happy  results.  Thus,  in  the 
tombs  of  Nakht  and  of  Khaemhet  the  labourers  are  spread 
along  a  sinuous  stretch  of  land  upon  which  vegetation  and 
pools  of  water  are  indicated.  (34) 

When  the  object  was  to  portray  historical  scenes,  as,  for 
instance,  the  battle  of  Ramesses  II  against  the  Kheta,  an 
attempt  is  made  to  recall  the  characteristics  of  a  particular 
site,  such  as  the  town  of  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes.  (35)  A 
bas-relief  at  Luxor  belonging  to  a  series  of  this  kind  gives 
us  the  only  known  example  of  a  really  complex  landscape, 
where  plants  and  trees  of  various  species  are  scattered  pell- 
mell.  (36)  Finally,  in  the  tomb  of  Amenemheb,  the  artist 
has  made  a  daring  attempt  in  the  episode  of  the  encounter 
with  a  big  hyaena.  All  over  the  "  ground  "  of  the  picture 
plants  are  scattered  at  different  levels.  (37) 

We  may  say,  briefly,  that  the  Egyptians  never  drew 
according  to  our  laws  of  perspective,  but  once  their  rules 
are  unravelled  and  understood,  their  representations  are  as 
clear  as  our  own,  if  indeed  they  do  not  permit  of  even  greater 
precision  in  that  they  drew  the  aspects  farthest  from  the 
eye  with  as  much  detail  as  those  nearest.  Nor  must  we 
forget  that  the  object  of  their  drawings  was  quite  different 
from  ours.  The  Egyptian's  desire  was  not  to  show  nature 
as  it  appears  to  our  eyes  under  most  different  aspects  ;  he 
sought  above  all  things  to  depict  nature  in  all  its  complexity, 
with  such  details  as  he  deemed  needful,  by  breaking  it  up 
into  its  component  elements.  He  accomplished,  in  fact, 
more  in  the  way  of  pictography  than  of  art  in  its  true  sense. 

Proportions  of  the  Human  Body. — It  now  remains  to 
inquire   whether   the    Egyptians    observed  the    regular  pro- 


156  EGYPTIAN   ART 

portions  of  the  human  figure,  having  regard  to  the  limits 
imposed  by  the  conventions  dealt  with  above.  In  several 
tombs,  from  the  time  of  the  Ancient  Empire,  some  unfinished 
figures  may  be  observed,  drawn  upon  a  background  ruled 
in  squares  ;  sometimes  instead  of  this  network  we  find 
merely  a  few  guiding  lines,  or  merely  a  few  points  marked 
off.  (38)  Ought  we  to  account  for  these  lines  and  squares 
simply  as  a  mechanical  process  of  enlarging  a  drawing,  or 
are  they  really  for  determining  a  canon  of  proportion  ? 
Various  authors  have  successively  affirmed  and  denied  the 
existence  of  the  canon.  The  recent  researches  of  Edgar  (39) 
have  proved  conclusively  that  the  Egyptians  used,  in  the 
course  of  ages,  a  succession  of  canons.  The  first,  employed 
from  the  time  of  the  Ancient  Empire,  divides  an  erect  human 
figure  over  eighteen  squares,  the  highest  of  which  ends,  not 
at  the  top  of  the  head,  but  at  the  top  of  the  brow,  thus  leaving 
the  dome  of  the  skull  outside,  as  well  as  the  head-dresses 
or  crowns  which  the  Egyptians  monuments  display  in  such 
great  variety.  The  knee  falls  over  the  sixth  square  ;  the 
upper  part  of  the  legs  over  the  ninth  ;  the  shoulders  over 
the  sixteenth  ;  the  nose  over  the  seventeenth.  The  head, 
which  occupies  two  squares,  is  thus  one-eighth  of  the  height 
of  the  rest  of  the  body.  Under  the  same  system  the  sitting 
figure  occupies  fifteen  squares,  plus  the  dome  of  the  head. 
Some  good  examples  of  figures  drawn  on  squares  may  be 
seen  in  the  tomb  of  Su-em-nut  at  Thebes.  (40).  Reference 
may  also  be  made  to  an  example  of  figures  with  guiding 
lines  in  the  tomb  of  Akhethetep  at  Saqqara.  (41) 

The  second  canon,  which  is  principally  used  from  Saite 
times,  although  it  may  perhaps  be  met  with  from  the  time 
of  the  Ancient  Empire,  shows  more  elongated  figures  :  the 
erect  figure  is  divided  over  a  much  greater  number  of  squares. 
The  top  of  the  brow  is  a  fraction  over  No.  2 1  ;  the  mouth 
at  20  ;    the  shoulders  at  19  ;    and  the  knees  at  7.  (42) 

Various  authors  have  attempted  to  discover  the  basis  of 
these  canons.  Lepsius  sought  for  it  in  the  length  of  the 
foot  ;  Wilkinson  in  the  height  of  the  foot  ;  C.  Blanc  claims 
to  have  discovered  it  in  the  length  of  the  medius. 

It  occurred  to  me  to  make  investigations  to  see  if  in  the 


EGYPTIAN   DRAWING   CONVENTIONS      157 

numerous  figures  of  ofFering-bearers,  which  show  such 
variation  in  the  position  of  the  arms,  these  latter  were  drawn 
merely  according  to  the  fancy  of  the  artist,  or  whether  the 
various  attitudes  really  followed  any  definite  rule.  I  observed 
with  surprise  that  if  a  circle  be  traced  on  the  level  of  the 
elbow  with  the  angle  of  the  armpit  as  its  centre,  the  different 
positions  of  the  forearm  around  this  circle  coincide  exactly 
with  the  width  of  the  arm  or  with  half  this  width.  A  similar 
result  is  obtained  if  the  elbow  is  taken  as  centre,  and  the 
movement  of  the  forearm  noted.  It  corresponds  always  to 
a  width  equal  to  the  thickness  of  the  fist  or  to  one-half  of  its 
thickness.  (43) 

The  Egyptians  must  have  used  books  of  models  in 
which  the  proportions  were  accurately  indicated,  and  in 
which  the  decorators  of  a  tomb  could  find  a  selection  of 
figures  and  of  attitudes  detailed  with  precision.  Fragments 
have  actually  been  found,  of  late  period  it  is  true,  of  papyrus 
containing  models  of  this  kind.  (44)  Akin  to  these  are  the 
sculptors'  models,  of  which  several  specimens  are  known 
perhaps  already  from  the  ancient  kingdom  (45),  but  more 
frequent  from  the  time  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  (46)  and 
which  are  particularly  usual  in  late  times.  We  may  refer 
to  a  few  specially  well-known  examples  :  models  of  figures 
in  relief  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty  at  Munich  (47)  and  at 
London,  models  of  Saite  reliefs  showing  different  states  of 
work  in  the  Cairo  Museum  ;  figures  of  gods,  animals  and 
hieroglyphs,  etc. 

Various  collections  also  contain  sculptors'  models  in  the 
round  which  show  on  the  back  and  sides  the  division  lines 
which  Edgar  has  connected  with  the  canons  of  proportion.  (48) 
Finally,  mention  must  be  made  of  architectural  models  giving 
parts  of  buildings  (for  example,  a  column  attached  to  the 
jamb  of  a  doorway)  or  such  details  as  a  floral  capital. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

I.  Carter,  H.,  and  Gardiner,  A.  H.,  The  Tomb  of  Ramesses  IF  and  the 
Turin  Plan  of  a  Royal  Tomb,  in  the  Journal  of  Egyptian  Archaeology,  t.  iv.,  191 7, 
pp.  130-58,  and  pis.  29,  30. 


158  EGYPTIAN   ART 

2.  Daressy,  G.,  Un  Plan  /gyptien  d'une  torn  he  royale,  in  the  Revue  archio- 
logique,  t.  xxxii.,  1898,  pp.  235-40, 

3.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas  zur  altagyptischen  Kulturgeschichte,  Leipzig, 
1914,  pis.   73-5. 

4.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  El-Amarna,  Part  I,  London,  1903, 
pi.  31. 

5.  Compare  pi.  32  with  a  slightly  different  process. 

6.  Ibid.,  pi.  26. 

7.  Ibid.,   pi.    18. 

8.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas  fiir  altagyptische  Kulturgeschichte.  Leipzig, 
1914,  pi.  6. 

9.  Qui  bell,  J.  E.,  Excavations  at  Saqqara  :  The  Tomb  of  Hesy,  Cairo, 
1913,  pi.  29. 

10.  Compare  the  statue  of  Ti  in  SteindorfF,  G.,  Das  Grab  des  Ti,  Leipzig, 
191 3,  pi.  142,  with  the  relief  in  pi.  68. 

11.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmdler,  Part  II,  pi.  21. 

12.  Pottier,  E.,  he  dessin  par  ombre  port^e  chez.  les  Grecs,  in  the  Revue  des 
ttudes  Grecques,  t.  xi.,  1898,  pp.  355-388. 

13.  Capart,  J.,   Une  Rue  de  Tombeaux  a  Saqqarah,  Brussels,  1907,  pi.  40. 

14.  Ibid.,  pi.  39.  Blackman,  A.  M.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  Meir,  Part  II, 
London,  191 5,  pi.  24. 

15.  Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  Les  Arts  et  MJtiers  de  Pancienne  Egypte,  Brussels, 
191 2,  fig.  74,  p.  70.  See,  too,  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  Mural  Paintings  in  the  City 
of  Akhetaton,  in  the  Journal  of  Egyptian  Archeeology,  t.  vii.,  192 1,  pi.  I. 

16.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas,  etc.,  pi.  2. 

17.  Ibid.,  pis.  10,  89,  90. 

18.  Lepsius,  R.,  Denkmdler,  Part  III,  pi.  42. 

19.  Wall  Decorations  of  Egyptian  Tombs  Illustrated  from  Examples  in  the 
British  Museum,  London,  19 14,  pi.  4. 

20.  Rosellini,  Monumenti  storici,  pi.  68. 

21.  Carter,  H.,  and  Newberry  P.  E.,  The  Tomb  of  ThoutmSsis  IV  {Cat. 
Gen.  du  Musie  du  Caire),   1904,  pi.  11. 

22.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas,  etc.,  pi.  26.  See,  too,  Borchardt,  L.,  Das 
Grabdenkmal  de  Konigs  Sahure,  t.  ii.,  Die  tVandbilder,  Leipzig,  1913, 
pi.  17. 

23.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  Rock  Tombs  of  El-Amarna,  Part  II,  London,  1905, 
pi.  38;    ibid..  Part  III,  pi.  13. 

24.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  I'art  ^gyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  18  ; 
Lepsius,  Denkmdler,  Part  III,  pi.  76. 

25.  Mariette,  A.,  Voyage  dans  la  Haute  Egypte,  Cairo,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  48 
See,  too,  Lepsius,  Denkmdler,  Part  III,  pi.  61,  and  for  Ramesses  II,  Rosellini 
Monumenti  storici,  pi.  79. 

26.  Rosellini,  Monumenti  storici,  pi.  96. 

27.  Ibid.,  pis.  74,  75. 

28.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas,  etc.,  pi.  8. 

29.  Paget,  R.  F.  E.,  and  Pirie,  A.  A.,  The  Tomb  of  Ptah-hetep,  in  Quibell, 
J.  E.,  The  Ramesseum,  London,  1898,  pi.  32. 

30.  SteindorfF,  G.,  Das  Grab  des  Ti,  Leipzig,  1913,  pi.  124. 


EGYPTIAN   DRAWING   CONVENTIONS       159 

31.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas,  etc.,  pi.  3. 

32.  Ibid.,  pi.  66. 

33.  Borchardt,  L.,  Das  Grabdenkmal  des  Konigs  Sahure,  t.  ii.,  Die 
Wandbilder,  Leipzig,  191 3,  pi.  17. 

34.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Tomb  of  Nakht  at  Thebes,  New  York,  1917, 
pis.  18  sqq.,  and  p.  61  note.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  Part  igyptien,  Paris, 
1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  20. 

35.  Breasted,  J.  H.,  The  Battle  of  Kadesh,  Chicago,  1903. 

36.  Daressy,  G.,  Notice  explicative  des  mines  du  temple  de  Louxor,  Cairo, 
1893,  p.  26.  One  small  part  in  Maspero,  G.,  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations, 
London,  1910,  p.  273. 

37.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas,  etc.,  pi.  21. 

38.  Lepsius,  R.,  Proportionen  in  Grab  des  Ma-nefer,  in  the  Denkmdler  aus 
aegypten  und  aethiopien.  Text,  t.  i.,  Leipzig,  1897,  pp.  233-8. 

39.  Edgar,  C.  C,  Remarks  on  Egyptian  Sculptors'  Models,  in  the  Recueil 
de  Travaux,  t.  27,  1905,  pp.  132-50;  Sculptors'  Studies  and  Unfinished 
Works  {Cairo  Catalogue'),  Cairo,   1906. 

40.  Wreszinski,  W.,  Atlas,  etc.,  pi.  31.  See  the  study  of  E.  Mackay, 
Proportion  Squares  on  Tomb  Walls  in  the  Theban  Necropolis,  in  the  Journal 
of  Egyptian  Archeology,  t.  iv.,  191 7,  pp.  74-85,  and  pis.  15-8. 

41.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Mastaba  of  Ptah-hetep,  Part  II,  London,  1901 
pi.   17. 

42.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Histoire  de  Part  igyptien,  Paris,  1878,  t.  ii.,  pi.  2. 

43.  See  the  figures  of  servants  in  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Mastaba  of  Ptah- 
hetep,  Part  II,  London,  1901,  pi.  24,  and  the  details  on  pis.  25-7. 

44.  Erman,  A.,  Zeichnungen  agyptischer  Kunstler  grieschischer  Zeit,  in  the 
Amtliche  Berichte  aus  den  Koniglichen  Kunstsammlungen,  t.  xxx.,  1909,  No.  8, 
Col.  197-203,  and  figs.  119-25.  Borchardt,  L.,  Sphinxzeichnungen  eines 
agyptischen  Bildhauers ;  ibid.,  t.   xxxix.,   191 8,  No.    5,  Col.    10  5-1 10,  and 

figs-  34»  3  5- 

45.  Winlock,  H.  E.,  Bas-reliefs  from  the  Egyptian  Delta,  in  the  Bulletin 
of  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  t.  xii.,  19 17,  pp.  64-7,  and 
2  figs. 

46.  A  great  number  found  at  Tell-el-Amarna  and  unfortunately  not  pub- 
lished before  their  dispersal.  See  Sale  Catalogue  of  the  Amherst  Collection^ 
London,  Sotheby,  192 1,  Nos.  847-54. 

47.  Bissing,  F.  W .,  Denkmaler  agyptischer  Skulptur,  Munich,  1906,  pi.  124. 

48.  See  the  works  of  Edgar  quoted  above.  No.  39,  and  recently  Morgen- 
sen,  M.,  Modeller  og  oversesstykker  i  Ny  Carsberg  Glypotek,  in  Fra  Ny  Carlsberg 
Glyptotekets  Samlinger,  Copenhagen,  192 1,  pp.  15-38,  with  33  figs. 


CHAPTER    XI 
THE  ARTISTIC  IDEAS  OF  THE  EGYPTIANS 

THE  preceding  chapters  are  intended  to  form  a  general 
introduction  to  the  study  of  Egyptian  art  as  a  pre- 
liminary to  the  examination  of  its  historical  develop- 
ment. But  this,  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge, 
presents  difficulties  of  which  we  must  first  convey  a  summary 
idea. 

As  a  general  observation,  we  may  note  that  Egyptian 
art  as  a  whole  is  known  to  us  exclusively  through  archae- 
ological discoveries,  and  additions  are  made  to  various  series 
of  objects  from  year  to  year  by  the  chance  finds  of  excavators 
and  under  quite  fortuitous  conditions. 

In  so  far  as  it  is  possible  to  study  the  architectural 
monuments  which  are  preserved  on  the  surface  of  the  ground 
or  recovered  from  the  sands  of  the  desert,  or  the  innumerable 
objects  of  art  exhumed  from  buildings  or  from  tombs, 
archaeologists  have  had  to  make  the  attempt  to  classify  and 
understand  them  solely  by  their  own  exterior  characters 
without  any  literary  tradition  whatever  to  aid  them  in  the 
task.  To  speak  briefly,  it  must  always  be  regretted  that 
Egypt  has  no  Pausanias.  This  complicates  the  question 
of  the  aesthetic  value  by  which  Egyptian  monuments  have 
to  be  judged.  Thus,  we  may  possess  numerous  contem- 
porary statues  of  one  and  the  same  king  found  in  different 
temples,  or,  it  may  be,  all  in  the  same  temple.  It  is  impos- 
sible for  us,  in  the  absence  of  any  literary  indication — and 
unhappily  the  inscriptions  on  the  statues  themselves  are 
absolutely  mute  on  this  point — to  guess  which  pieces 
were   considered   the   most   beautiful  or  the  best  likenesses 

by  contemporaries  ;  nor  can  we  tell  which  were  the  work  of 

160 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS     i6i 

the  same  artist  or  which  came  from  the  same  workshop,  or 
even  the  same  locality. 

This  is  why  we  are  scarcely  in  a  position  to  answer  a 
whole  series  of  questions  which  arise  :  Did  the  Egyptians 
in  the  execution  of  their  works  of  art  bring  those  aesthetic 
considerations  to  bear  which  are  characteristic  of  artistic 
work  in  modern  times  ?  What  was  the  extent  of  their 
appreciation  of  the  beautiful  ?  What  did  they  consider  to 
be  beautiful  ?  Had  they  distinguished  between  the  ideas 
of  the  beautiful  and  the  good,  the  useful  and  the  pleasant  ? 
If  so,  had  they  artists  who  aimed  at  the  ideal,  if  not  the 
realisation,  of  the  beautiful  ? 

Alas  !  it  is  impossible  to  give  exact  replies  to  these 
questions,  and  as  can  be  easily  seen,  they  are  questions  of 
prime  importance  which  all  ought  to  be  solved  if  we  would 
pronounce  any  judgment  of  real  value  on  Egyptian  works 
of  art.  Without  this  judgment  we  run  the  risk  of  having  to 
content  ourselves  in  most  cases  with  deciding  how  much  in 
Egyptian  art  is  in  keeping  with  our  own  taste,  rather  than 
with  being  able  to  discern  which  works  responded  most  fully 
to  the  end  which  their  creators  had  in  view. 

It  must  not  be  expected  to  find  all  these  delicate  ques- 
tions discussed  here,  for  it  would  necessitate  a  vast  accumu- 
lation of  details  and  wide  digressions.  Consequently  we 
must  content  ourselves  with  a  few  remarks  merely  to  call 
attention  to  the  existence  of  such  problems,  even  though 
we  cannot  seek  to  clear  them  up  entirely. 

What  was  the  end  which  the  Egyptians  had  in  mind 
in  the  production  of  their  monuments  ?  It  is  almost  useless 
to  repeat  that  the  original  purpose  of  architecture  was 
essentially  practical.  Above  all  things,  it  was  necessary  to 
build  houses  for  the  living,  for  the  gods,  and  for  the  dead  : 
the  first  in  light  and  temporary  materials,  the  second  and  third 
in  materials  which  were  considered  to  be — in  theory  at  least — 
imperishable.  Diodorus  has  told  us  that  the  Egyptians 
called  their  houses  inns  and  their  tombs  everlasting  abodes. 
The  Egyptian  texts  speak  of  the  erection  of  temples  "  of 
millions  of  years  "  and  of  monuments  and  houses  **  for 
eternity." 

II 


1 62  EGYPTIAN   ART 

Curiously  enough,  the  Egyptians  were  in  the  habit  of 
giving  proper  names  to  their  temples,  or  even  to  parts  of  a 
building — the  door,  for  example.  This  leads  us  to  believe 
that  they  considered  the  building  as  an  animated  being,  or 
at  least  as  animated  by  a  living  spirit,  (i) 

We  have  seen  that  the  architectural  forms  are  frequently 
due  to  technique,  and  also  to  ritual  practices. 

The  interior  arrangements  correspond  to  the  necessities 
of  comfort  or  of  special  usages,  and  it  is  particularly  note- 
worthy that  in  Egypt  the  house,  the  temple  and  the  tomb 
present  the  most  striking  analogies.  (2)  When  we  study  the 
plans  of  tombs,  we  observe  therein  somewhat  strange  com- 
plications which  as  a  whole  embody  the  idea  of  placing  the 
dead  in  security  from  profanation — at  least,  conversely,  the 
fear  of  the  dead  returning  led  the  Egyptians  to  take  special 
measures  to  prevent  the  dead  from  coming  out.  Practically 
all  the  royal  tombs  of  the  Vth  and  Vlth  dynasties  were  made 
upon  the  same  plan,  and  the  Arabs  have  pillaged  them,  one 
after  the  other,  without  hesitation.  (3) 

The  fear  of  the  dead  actually  does  play  a  very  important 
part  in  the  funereal  scheme  of  the  ancient  Egyptians.  To 
see  this  we  have  but  to  refer  to  the  incantations  in  the  medical 
papyri,  which  are  generally  directed  against  the  dead  man 
or  woman  whose  influence  had  produced  the  illness.  (4)  A 
great  part  of  the  funerary  rites  is  derived  from  the  desire 
to  propitiate  the  soul  of  the  dead — and  even  this  in  pro- 
portion to  the  terrestrial  power  of  the  deceased — and  to 
procure  for  him  in  the  tomb  all  that  he  could  desire.  In 
conformity  with  this  intention,  the  Egyptians  placed  elaborate 
furniture  and  equipage  in  the  tombs,  which  has  to  a  great 
extent  made  it  possible  for  us  to  reconstruct  the  material 
civilisation  of  Egypt.  It  was  often  considered  enough  to 
impart  to  the  soul  of  the  dead  the  illusion  that  it  was  possessed 
of  numerous  and  abundant  goods  by  the  use  of  pictures, 
mostly  painted  or  sculptured  upon  the  walls  of  the  tomb. 
(There  is  no  essential  difference,  either  from  the  point  of 
view  of  purpose  or  of  art,  between  the  scenes  painted  in 
frescoes  or  sculptured  in  very  light  relief.) 

The   innumerable   representations   which   we   find   upon 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE  EGYPTIANS     163 

the  walls  of  temples  and  of  tombs  have  then,  above  all,  a 
religious  or  magical  origin,  an  origin  which,  from  the  point 
of  view  of  the  living,  is  essentially  practical.  We  must  not 
be  mistaken  in  the  general  character  of  the  majority  of  these 
representations  :  even  when  they  are  placed  upon  the  walls 
of  a  royal  funerary  temple  they  have  not  necessarily  a  personal 
character,  and  the  commemoration  idea,  at  least  in  the  earliest 
periods,  is  not  the  dominating  element  in  them.  Thus, 
when  we  see  an  Egyptian  king  portrayed  as  the  conqueror 
of  all  the  neighbouring  peoples  of  the  Nile  Valley,  we  are 
not  thereby  absolutely  justified  in  drawing  the  conclusion 
that  such  and  such  a  king  made  a  raid  into  such  and  such 
a  region.  What  it  means — and  this  meaning  is  never  lacking 
— is  that  the  deceased  king  well  knew  himself  to  be  irre- 
sistible, and  that  his  appearance  in  any  quarter  of  the  world 
was  tantamount  to  the  complete  submission  of  all  possible 
enemies.  It  is  true  at  times  that  these  scenes  really  had  a 
biographical  significance  ;  reliefs  of  this  kind  in  the  great 
temples  of  the  New  Empire  are  veritable  pages  from  the 
annals  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word.  We  must  beware, 
however,  of  any  hasty  generalisation,  such  as  is  often  made 
in  the  cases  of  the  tombs  of  private  persons,  whereby 
all  reliefs  and  paintings  are  held  to  be  a  record  of  the  life 
of  the  deceased.  These  paintings  and  bas-reliefs  are  not 
a  reproduction  of  the  life  of  such  and  such  a  noble  or  grandee, 
but  rather  a  picture  of  a  happy  existence,  considered  in  a 
general  way,  and  of  which  the  same  episodes  are  faithfully 
copied  from  tomb  to  tomb — being  nothing  more  than 
extracts  from  a  book  of  models  compiled  as  a  standard  of 
funerary  decoration.  (5)  Here  and  there,  and  rarely,  more- 
over, we  come  upon  certain  episodes  which  partake  strictly 
of  a  biographical  character.  In  such  cases  the  idea  is  not 
so  much  to  convey  to  posterity  the  pompous  memory  of  an 
important  event  as  to  preserve  for  the  benefit  of  the  soul 
the  remembrance  of  a  glorious  moment  in  its  terrestrial 
existence. 

If  the  majority  of  architectural  monuments  are  dwellings 
inhabited  by  the  spirits  of  the  gods  or  of  the  dead,  the  real 
host  of  these  buildings  is  the  statue.     Indeed,  the  Egyptian 


i64  EGYPTIAN   ART 

statues  are  living,  they  are  "  animated  "  in  the  etymological 
sense  of  the  term  ;  that  is  to  say,  imbued  with  the  soul  which 
has  gained  its  entry  by  means  of  magical  formulas  ;  the 
physical  needs  of  a  body  of  flesh  and  blood  were  accorded 
to  them,  and  every  care  was  taken  to  satisfy  them. 

A  theological  text  from  Memphis  defines  clearly  the 
conception  which  was  held  of  divine  statues.  (6)  It  is  said 
of  the  god  Ptah  :  "  He  fashioned  the  gods,  created  their 
cities,  founded  their  provinces  ;  he  established  the  gods  in 
their  sanctuaries,  and  caused  offerings  of  bread  to  be  made 
to  them  ;  he  founded  their  sanctuaries,  he  fashioned  their 
bodies  to  the  satisfaction  of  their  hearts,  and  then  the  gods 
entered  into  their  bodies  of  all  kinds  of  wood,  of  stone  and 
of  metal."  Nothing  could  express  more  clearly  that  when 
a  body  was  fashioned  in  wood,  stone  or  metal,  the  form  of 
which  is  pleasing  to  the  will  of  the  divinity,  the  divinity 
comes  and  presides  therein,  in  order  to  live  in  the  sanctuary 
and  to  enjoy  there  the  offerings  which  were  renewed  from 
time  to  time  by  periodical  sacrifices.  There  is  evidently  an 
echo  of  this  conception  in  the  audacity  of  certain  Egyptian 
conjurations  which  threaten  the  god  who  remains  deaf  to 
invocations  with  being  deprived  of  what  is  necessary  to 
nim  in  his  sanctuary  and  with  being  allowed  to  die  of  hunger. 
This  is,  indeed,  tantamount  to  affirming  that  the  god  is 
vulnerable  in  the  person  of  his  statue-body  enshrined  within 
the  temple.  (7) 

It  would  be  difficult  to  believe  that  the  Egyptian  kings 
considered  that  they  animated  the  statues  which  portrayed 
them  even  during  their  lifetime,  did  we  not  know  that  they 
enjoyed  the  privilege,  in  common  with  the  gods,  of  having 
several  souls,  any  one  of  which  could  perfectly  well  incor- 
porate itself  in  a  statue.  On  more  than  one  occasion  kings 
have  erected  sanctuaries  where  their  own  statues,  together 
with  those  of  the  gods,  were  the  object  of  a  special  cult 
rendered  by  the  king  himself.  Thus  Ramesses  II  speaks 
of  the  monument  which  he  set  up  for  his  living  image  in  the 
land  of  Nubia.  (8) 

Royal  statues  were  given  a  special  name,  which  imparted 
a  particular  attribute  to  them,  for  we  know  that  the  Egyptians 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS     165 

considered  the  name  as  a  sort  of  spirit  enjoying  a  separate 
existence. 

We  are  informed  by  the  priestly  decrees,  which  are 
principally  known  from  those  of  the  Ptolemaic  period,  that 
royal  statues  or  groups  of  statues  destined  to  receive  divine 
honours  were  consecrated  even  during  the  lifetime  of  the 
kings  they  represented.  (9)  The  decrees  of  Rosetta  and  of 
Philae  in  the  name  of  Ptolemy  V  make  the  following  asser- 
tions :  First,  in  all  the  principal  temples  in  the  land  a  group 
is  to  be  set  up,  representing  the  king  receiving  from  the 
principal  local  god  the  sword  of  victory  called  "  Ptolemy 
the  Avenger  of  Egypt  "  ;  secondly,  in  each  of  these  places  a 
wooden  image  of  the  king  shall  be  kept  in  a  sanctuary  of 
gold  of  a  particular  form,  and  carried  in  processions  with 
the  other  sanctuaries  of  this  kind  ;  thirdly,  the  nobles  shall 
have  the  right  to  possess  in  their  houses  a  sanctuary  with 
its  statue  and  to  participate  in  the  festivals  ;  fourthly^  a 
statue  of  the  queen  shall  be  placed  beside  that  of  the  king, 
receiving  the  sword  from  the  local  god  ;  fifthly,  the  wooden 
image  of  the  queen  shall  be  associated  with  that  of  the  king 
in  the  sanctuaries  and  processions  ;  sixthly,  the  nobles  shall 
likewise  have  the  privilege  of  paying  homage  to  the  statues 
of  the  royal  couple  in  their  own  houses. 

The  kings  delighted  to  collect  specimens  of  their  effigies 
in  certain  temples,  arranging  the  statues,  for  example,  between 
the  columns  of  one  court  as  at  Luxor. 

Certain  statues  had  particular  forms  which  were  directly 
connected  with  the  offerings  made  to  the  gods.  Thus  a  king 
holds  in  his  hands  an  offering-table,  or  a  cult-emblem,  or 
other  objects.  (10) 

The  benefits  attaching  to  such  consecration  of  statues 
seem  to  have  been  so  efficacious  that  the  kings  did  not 
hesitate  to  usurp  the  statues  of  their  predecessors  in  order 
to  appropriate  for  themselves  both  the  merit  and  the  profit.  (11) 
This  habit,  which  seems  somewhat  shocking  to  our  modern 
conceptions,  sometimes  raises  difficulties  as  to  the  attribution 
of  a  work  of  art  to  such  and  such  a  sovereign  or  to  such 
and  such  a  period.  Thus  it  is  known  that  monuments  of 
the   Ancient  Empire  were  usurped  by  the  Hyksos  and  then 


1 66  EGYPTIAN   ART 

by  the  kings  of  the  XlXth,  and  finally  by  those  of  the  XXIst, 
dynasty.  (12)  Private  persons  of  high  rank  followed  the 
royal  example  in  this  respect,  and  we  may  refer  to  the  strange 
case  of  a  priest  of  Amon  of  the  XXIInd  dynasty  who  has 
left  for  us  at  Karnak  four  statues,  of  which  two,  which  go 
back  to  the  Xllth  dynasty,  have  been  purely  and  simply 
adapted  for  their  new  owner  by  means  of  inscriptions.  (13) 

A  certain  number  of  royal  statues  found  in  the  temples 
had  a  funerary  purpose.  The  souls  of  the  dead  kings 
came  to  animate  them,  or  rather  they  found  there  a  haven 
wherein  to  participate  within  the  temple  in  the  life  of  the 
guests  of  the  gods. 

It  would  seem  that  certain  sovereigns  sometimes  con- 
secrated a  series  of  statues  representing  their  ancestors. 
These  images  were  carried  in  processions.  (14)  The  funerary 
statues  which  were  set  up  in  the  temples  were  replicas  of 
those  deposited  in  the  tombs.  (15)  From  numerous  texts 
and  from  detailed  scenes  we  learn  that  during  the  funeral 
ceremony  the  statues  were  made  to  play  their  part  by  the 
enactment  of  a  magical  rite  known  as  "  the  opening  of  the 
mouth,"  and  which  was  destined  to  unite  the  soul  to  its  body 
for  all  eternity,  and  to  endow  the  latter  with  the  power  of 
exercising  all  the  functions  of  a  body  of  flesh  and  bone.  (16) 

Up  to  the  present  no  representation  has  been  found  of 
the  making  of  royal  funerary  statues,  although,  on  the  con- 
trary, we  meet  with  bas-reliefs  depicting  the  preparation  of 
funerary  statues  both  in  wood  and  in  stone  of  private  persons 
in  several  places.  They  were  made  at  the  same  time  as  the 
rest  of  the  funerary  gear,  with  the  furniture  if  of  wood,  and 
with  the  stone  vases  if  of  stone.  (17)  This  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  there  was  no  thought  of  making  them  a  long 
time  in  advance,  besides  taking  into  account  that  it  might 
perhaps  be  harmful  to  the  individual  they  represented  to 
prepare  them  before  the  time  they  could  assume  their  magical 
functions  in  the  temple  or  the  tomb.  Private  individuals, 
in  addition  to  the  **  statues  of  the  double,"  as  they  are  called, 
shut  up  in  a  tomb,  could  obtain  permission  by  royal  favour 
to  place  one  or  several  statues  in  the  temples  of  the  gods.  (18) 

It  was  seen  that  the  Egyptians  held  it  to  be  dangerous 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS     167 

to  make  the  statue  in  advance,  for  they  were  aware  that 
modelled  figures  could  be  put  to  criminal  uses  ;  this  is 
known,  for  example,  from  the  Lee  papyrus,  which  narrates 
that  an  Egyptian  was  sentenced  to  capital  punishment  for 
having  made  certain  wax  figures  which  might  have  served 
to  cast  a  spell  against  the  person  of  the  sovereign.  (19)  We 
may  add  in  passing  that  the  popular  tales  of  the  Egyptians 
afford  numerous  episodes  in  which  wax  figures  of  men  or  of 
animals  became  alive  and  responded  to  the  commands  or  to 
the  magical  power  of  the  magicians.  (20) 

Thus  it  will  be  understood  that  Egyptian  statues  might 
be  considered  to  be,  primarily,  living  bodies,  animated  by 
the  spirits  of  a  god,  or  of  a  man — generally  of  a  dead  man — 
and  it  will  therefore  be  appreciated  that  such  a  conception 
as  this  could  modify  the  artistic  point  of  view  profoundly. 
Moreover,  certain  statues,  made  for  the  funeral  ceremonies, 
were  often  hidden  away  for  all  eternity,  shut  in  as  they  were 
by  the  masonry  of  that  part  of  the  tomb  which  is  known 
as  the  "  serdab."  The  sculptor  of  statues  of  the  most 
ancient  times  appears  to  us  not  so  much  as  an  artist  as  a 
specialised  workman,  the  assistant  of  the  funerary  priest, 
contributing  by  his  skill  to  the  successful  conclusion  of  the 
ritual  ceremonies  which  were  indispensable  for  assuring  to 
the  deceased  a  continued  existence  beyond  the  grave.  The 
success  of  this  issue  depended  in  a  large  measure  upon  the 
degree  of  perfection  of  the  sculptor's  work,  since  the  body 
of  wood,  stone  or  metal  had  to  be  befitting  to  the  soul  of  the 
dead,  just  as  it  was  necessary  in  order  that  the  divine  statue 
should  receive  the  soul  of  the  god. 

We  may  perhaps  ask.  At  what  moment  does  the  sculptor- 
craftsman  become  an  artist  ?  Theoretically  there  are  two 
stages  in  his  activity  :  First,  he  strives  in  the  first  place  to 
make  from  his  model  as  exact  a  copy  as  possible,  with  a  purely 
and  exclusively  religious  or  magical  end  in  view  ;  secondly, 
he  interprets  a  natural  type,  in  conformity  with  a  determined 
ideal  of  beauty.  The  transition  from  one  stage  to  the  other 
is  extremely  subtle,  and  quite  exceptional  circumstances 
would  be  required  for  us  to  perceive  it.  We  can  note  a 
well-marked  tendency  towards  idealisation  of  features  under 


i68  EGYPTIAN   ART 

the  Ancient  Empire,  which  implies  a  conception  of  beauty. 
If  we  enter  the  studio  of  an  XVIIIth  dynasty  sculptor  at 
Tell-el-Amarna  to  inspect  there  the  studies  from  life  in  course 
of  execution,  we  can  see  in  what  manner  he  succeeded  in 
interpreting  nature  by  following  a  preconceived  determina- 
tion. In  this  case  we  are  really  in  an  artist's  studio,  and  not 
merely  in  the  workshop  of  a  manufacturer  of  statues.  (21) 

Without  entering  into  a  consideration  of  the  difficult 
problem  of  aesthetics,  we  may  inquire  whether  it  is  not 
possible  for  us  by  a  few  simple  facts  to  gather  something  of 
what  we  might  call  the  sense  of  beauty  in  the  Egyptians. 
The  Egyptians  were  passionately  fond  of  flowers,  although 
the  flora  of  Egypt  is  not  a  rich  one.  The  lotus  was  employed 
in  many  difi-erent  uses  :  on  feast-days  the  Egyptians  hung 
garlands  of  it  from  the  walls,  they  tied  it  on  to  the  cornices  of 
kiosks  and  canopies,  wound  it  round  vases,  and  made  collars 
and  crowns  of  it.  Decorative  art  here  had  but  to  copy 
habitual  forms  to  produce  fixed  schemes  of  decoration  in  great 
abundance.  (22)  Jewellery  long  remained  faithful  to  the 
forms  which  are  oflfered  by  nature,  as  rich  as  they  are 
simple. 

Is  it  not  to  this  love  of  flowers  that  the  taste  for  brilliant 
and  gaily  coloured  materials  is  due,  a  taste  which  manifests 
itself  in  those  pieces  of  jewellery  which  are  called  "  incrus- 
tations," in  furniture  combining  materials  of  difi-erent  colours, 
or  in  tapestry  and  matting  of  many  various  forms  ? 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  enlarge  upon  the  charm  which 
gathers  round  these  feminine,  elegant  and  gracious  forms. 
Industrial  art  particularly  has  produced  in  this  direction 
some  remarkable  types,  which  transform  an  object  of  common 
utility  into  something  really  fine,  or  at  least  pleasing  to 
behold.  When  the  ancient  craftsman  gives  an  unguent- 
holder  the  form  of  a  girl  carrying  a  vase  on  her  shoulder,  (23) 
or  of  a  swimmer  who  clutches  at  a  duck,  he  evidently  has 
more  in  mind  than  merely  making  for  his  customer  an 
unguent-holder.  The  primary  purpose  has  almost  dis- 
appeared, and  the  maker's  talent  is  concentrated  on  pro- 
ducing a  pretty  object  to  tempt  the  fair  lady  whose  artistic 
taste  is  thereby  revealed.     Thus  we  have  here  an  artist  who 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS     169 

creates  the  beautiful  and,  what  is  equally  important,  a 
clientele  which  seeks  artistic  work.  (24)  If  the  Egyptians 
produced  grotesque  figures,  such  as  those  of  the  god  Bes 
or  of  captive  foreigners,  their  intention  was  to  provoke 
ridicule,  or  to  emphasise  by  contrast  the  superiority  of 
gracious  and  beautiful  forms. 

We  must  not  omit  to  take  into  account  the  part  played 
by  commerce  in  the  development  of  the  artistic  sense  of  the 
Egyptians,  particularly  under  the  New  Empire.  We  actually 
see  neighbouring  tribes  bringing  objects  of  industrial  art 
as  tribute.  We  must  be  cautious  in  using  this  argument, 
for  certain  facts  show  that  the  Egyptians  sometimes  repre- 
sented, amongst  the  objects  brought  as  tribute  by  foreigners, 
furniture  and  utensils  obviously  manufactured  in  Egypt  out 
of  raw  material  imported  from  tribute  states.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  deny  the  influence  exerted  by  the  relations  between 
Egypt  and  the  i^gean  peoples,  (25)  although  it  is  probable 
that  Egypt  gave  more  than  she  received. 

Let  us  refer  for  a  moment  once  more  to  the  general 
importance  of  the  productions  of  industrial  art,  for  it  is 
these  that  have  necessarily  the  greatest  diffusion  amongst 
the  mass  of  the  population.  One  might  judge  of  the  part 
played  by  artistic  notions  among  a  people  by  the  ever- 
increasing  extension  amongst  the  most  diverse  social  classes 
of  aesthetic  considerations.  Now  in  Egypt,  when  we  examine 
the  collars,  or  adornments  in  general,  the  stone  vases,  the 
ceramic  vases,  we  shall  observe  that  not  a  single  form  is  due 
to  mere  chance.  We  perceive  in  the  industries  of  all  periods 
unmistakable  tendencies,  which,  whilst  preserving  the  general 
forms  of  the  objects,  modify  and  change  them  according 
to  the  occasional  caprices  of  fashion  and  taste.  We  have 
already  observed  this  in  ancient  times  as  affecting  the  funda- 
mental ceramic  types. 

The  king  and  his  courtiers  set  the  fashion  ;  the  influence 
of  the  capital,  inasmuch  as  it  was  the  court  residence,  always 
predominated  in  ancient  Egypt.  As  a  result  of  this,  con- 
ditions necessary  to  the  formation  of  real  and  distinct  schools 
of  art  never  existed  in  Egypt.  Furthermore,  we  can  observe 
that  the  various   provincial  towns  were  not  always  equally 


I70  EGYPTIAN   ART 

successful  in  their  attempts  to  imitate  the  productions  of  the 
capital.  Through  lack  of  artists  trained  in  the  art  traditions 
of  the  court,  local  artists  had  to  suffice,  and  their  productions 
are  but  faint  echoes  of  the  royal  works  which  served  as  their 
models.  (26) 

The  texts  convey  quite  definite  information  as  to  the 
direct  intervention  of  the  kings  in  the  execution  of  the 
monuments.  They  represent  the  sovereign  in  his  own 
domain,  inspired  with  the  idea  of  improving  or  embellishing 
the  buildings  belonging  to  the  gods  or  to  the  dead.  (27) 
It  is  he  who  busies  himself  with  the  foundation,  restoration, 
or  enlargement  of  the  temples.  (28)  We  see  the  Pharaohs 
visiting  works  in  progress  and  bestowing  their  approval 
upon  the  architects  in  charge.  (29)  The  kings  granted 
tombs  to  their  favourites,  and  gave  orders  for  the  necessary 
stone,  which  was  conveyed  by  the  great  barges  which  belonged 
to  the  court.  (30)  The  Pharaoh  Sahure,  of  the  Vth  dynasty, 
had  two  stones,  which  were  destined  for  the  tomb  of  a 
favourite,  brought  to  the  palace  itself,  where  they  were  worked, 
sculptured  and  painted  under  the  daily  superintendence  of 
the  two  high-priests  of  Memphis  and  their  staff.  (31)  When 
victorious  military  expeditions  flooded  Egypt  with  the 
tributes  of  the  vanquished  peoples,  the  king  seized  the 
opportunity  to  make  artistic  gifts  to  the  temples,  for  example, 
in  the  shape  of  complex  goldsmith's  work.  In  a  list  of 
objects  of  this  kind  engraved  upon  a  wall  at  Karnak,  an 
inscription  notes  that  certain  vases  were  executed  according 
to  "  the  express  desire  of  His  Majesty."  (32)  Objects  of 
art  are  likewise  given  by  the  king  to  great  personages  as  a 
mark  of  satisfaction  :  the  Louvre  preserves,  for  instance, 
some  engraved  cups  in  gold  and  silver,  given  by  Tuth- 
mosis  III  to  a  functionary  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty.  (23) 

The  king  also  considered  it  a  duty  to  preserve  the 
traditional  artistic  forms  :  a  stele  of  Neferhotep  of  the  Middle 
Empire  shows  us  the  sovereign  busying  himself  with  a 
search  amongst  the  ancient  writings  in  order  to  ascertain 
what  were  the  forms  proper  to  divine  images.  He  betakes 
himself  to  the  priestly  libraries  to  pore  over  the  ancient 
books,   and    he  expresses  his    desire   to  execute  the  statues 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS     171 

in  accordance  with  such  directions  as  he  might  find  in 
the  documents.  (34) 

The  Pharaoh  also  boasts  of  the  care  he  takes  to  maintain 
artists.  A  stele  of  the  8th  year  of  Ramesses  II,  found  at 
HeliopoliSj  tells  us  how,  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  to  Helio- 
polis,  the  king  in  a  walk  among  the  mountains  discovered 
an  enormous  block  of  granite,  higher  than  an  obelisk.  (^S) 
His  Majesty  issued  the  order  to  have  it  worked  '*  by  skilled 
artists  of  sure  hand."  The  work  lasted  a  year.  "  Behold, 
His  Majesty  rewarded  the  overseer  of  the  work  by  much 
silver  and  gold,  and  the  worthy  artists  who  had  laboured 
upon  it  by  royal  praises,  for  His  Majesty  inspected  it  day  by 
day  ;  and  they,  moreover,  worked  for  His  Majesty  with 
hearts  full  of  devotion  for  Ramesses  II."  The  king  then 
found  a  fresh  quarry,  from  which  he  had  numerous  statues 
made,  upon  which  he  pronounces  a  long  discourse  to  the 
artists  and  masons  engaged  upon  the  work.  He  praises 
their  skill,  their  activity  and  their  devotion  to  duty,  in  making 
statues  which  are  destined  for  the  temples  and  thereby  to 
everlasting  duration.  The  king,  for  his  part,  is  not  lacking 
in  appreciation,  and  assures  his  workers  that  their  needs  will 
be  well  provided  for  and  abundant  supplies  of  meat,  drink 
and  raiment  allotted  to  them,  for  he  realises  that  enthusiasm 
can  only  grow  upon  "  a  full  stomach."  Indeed,  the  greater 
part  of  the  inscription  is  devoted  to  a  long  enumeration  of 
the  gifts  of  necessities  and  of  luxuries  which  the  grateful 
sovereign  will  heap  upon  his  sculptors  as  a  reward  for  their 
energy  and  skill. 

It  is  a  striking  fact  that  no  sculptor's  or  artist's  name 
is  mentioned  throughout  this  text.  One  might  say  in  general 
terms  that  all  Egyptian  art  is  anonymous  ;  the  king  only 
exists,  and  it  is  to  him  that  the  credit  is  accorded  for  the 
conception  of  the  great  monuments  which  he  caused  to  be 
executed  under  the  superintendence  of  functionaries  called 
**  overseers  of  the  king's  works,"  and  who  were  at  the  same 
time  invested  with  a  whole  series  of  other  functions — political 
as  well  as  military  or  sacerdotal.  A  certain  number  of 
biographical  inscriptions  provide  us  with  interesting  details 
of  works  thus  executed  by  order  of  the  king  :   we  have  noted 


172  EGYPTIAN   ART 

some  examples  when  speaking  of  the  working  of  the 
quarries.  (26) 

Signed  statues  are  extremely  rare,  (37)  and  it  is  only 
quite  exceptionally  that  one  can  attribute  several  contem- 
porary statues  to  a  single  name.  Two  sculptors  of  the  time 
of  Amenophis  IV  are  known,  thanks  to  a  bas-relief  which 
they  have  left  in  a  quarry  at  Assuan,  whilst  the  statues  they 
made  have  disappeared.  (38)  A  bas-relief  at  Tell-el-Amarna 
represents  a  sculptor's  studio  in  full  activity.  (39)  Several 
cases  can  also  be  quoted  in  which  the  name  of  a  sculptor 
or  of  a  painter  who  decorated  such  and  such  a  tomb  can 
be  determined  with  some  precision.  (40)  In  the  tomb  of 
Ptah-hetep  at  Saqqara,  for  instance,  the  author  of  the  bas- 
reliefs  is  himself  represented  in  one  of  the  scenes.  (41) 

Art-teaching  was  probably  carried  out  in  the  schools 
attached  to  the  temples,  where  all  the  traditions  of  the  pro- 
fession were  learned.  The  young  draughtsman  and  sculptor, 
by  a  systematic  training,  was  made  to  assimilate  his  rules 
and  to  copy  his  models.  This  obviously  left  very  little 
scope  for  initiative,  and  the  study  of  Egyptian  art  as  a  whole, 
moreover,  shows  that  relatively  little  was  done  in  the  way 
of  innovation  in  the  course  of  the  ages.  One  was  reared 
from  the  earliest  times  upon  a  rich  store  of  traditions,  whose 
origins  stretch  back  into  the  far-distant  past.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  undeniable  that  the  very  constitution  of  this 
complex  of  forms  and  models  can  only  be  explained  by  a 
period  of  very  intense  artistic  research  which  we  are  forced 
to  carry  back  to  the  very  beginning.  Before  it  could  be 
determined,  for  example,  what  was  the  best  form  to  adopt 
in  order  to  depict  an  owl,  it  must  have  been  necessary  to 
make  a  certain  number  of  studies  from  nature  of  the  owl, 
and  one  cannot  mistake  the  exceptional  importance  of  the 
part  played  by  hieroglyphic  writing  in  the  fixing  of  forms. 

It  would  be  very  desirable  also  to  be  able  to  examine 
the  extremely  interesting  question  of  the  traces  left  by  the 
aesthetic  ideas  of  the  Egyptians  in  their  language,  but  it 
is  a  vast  and  difficult  subject,  on  which  we  can  only  make 
a  few  rapid  remarks.  In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to 
note   that   the   high-priests   of  Ptah   were   placed   in   direct 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS     173 

relationship  with  art.  We  have  already  seen  them  occupied, 
under  the  direction  of  the  king,  with  the  execution  of  monu- 
ments. The  literal  translation  of  their  title  is  "  the  great 
chief  of  the  work,"  the  word  "  work  "  being  written  with 
the  sign  which  represents  the  particular  tool  which  the 
Egyptians  used  for  carving  hard  stones.  (42)  The  word 
"  workman  "  employs  the  same  sign,  and  the  word  "  art  " 
likewise.  Edward  Meyer  has  suggested  an  attractive  ex- 
planation of  this  fact.  As  the  quarries  of  Toura,  near 
Memphis,  formed  part  of  the  temple  property  of  Ptah,  this 
god  began  by  being  the  protecting  deity  of  the  stoneworkers 
and  sculptors  exploiting  these  quarries  ;  hence,  little  by 
little,  he  became  the  patron  of  artists.  (43)  This  would 
have  been  facilitated  by  the  fact  that  the  development  of 
art  under  the  Ancient  Empire  was  limited  to  Memphis,  the 
royal  residence.  The  word  *'  art "  is  likewise  used  in 
speaking  of  the  functions  of  the  priest  who  carries  out  the 
funerary  rites.  (44)  Might  it  not,  therefore,  be  supposed 
that  the  Egyptians  attributed  to  the  exercise  of  the  arts  a 
mysterious  virtue  similar  to  that  possessed  by  ritual  formulae  ? 

The  word  which  we  generally  translate  by  "  monument  " 
is  connected  with  the  root  **  to  endure  "  or  "  to  last." 

The  word  "  scribe  "  likewise  is  used  to  express  the  idea 
of  **  draughtsman  "  or  "  painter."  When  it  was  desired  to 
set  up  a  stele  or  statue,  the  first  to  be  called  upon  were  the 
scribes  of  "  the  house  of  life,"  by  which  is  meant  the  priestly 
library,  the  college  of  priests,  or  even  the  university.  (45) 

One  of  the  words  for  sculptor  is  identical  with  that 
for  "  smith."  (46)  Another  designation  of  the  sculptor  is 
"  he  who  makes  to  live."  "  To  make  a  statue  "  could  be 
expressed  by  using  the  verb  mes,  which  means  "  to  give 
birth  "  or  "  beget."  The  name  of  the  King  Tutankhamon 
literally  means  "  the  living  statue  of  the  god  Amon."  The 
word  "  copy  "  is  also  used  to  express  "  statue."  To  dedicate 
a  statue  or  even  a  tombstone  to  anyone  is  called  in  Egyptian 
**  to  make  his  name  live." 

One  and  the  same  word  is  used  to  signify  a  "  marvel," 
a  "  prodigy,"  and  a  "  stone-quarry."  The  radical  s/iepses, 
which  is  often  employed  to  express  the  idea  of  "  magnificent  or 


174  EGYPTIAN   ART 

luxurious  objects,"  is  employed  equally  for  the  noun  "  statue," 
or  for  the  verb  "  to  work  in  stone,"  and  the  hieroglyph 
itself  seems  to  depict  a  stone  statue.  The  radical  iakh^  of 
which  one  of  the  fundamental  senses  is  "  to  be  a  spirit," 
serves  to  convey  the  ideas  of  *'  brilliant,"  "  excellent," 
**  useful,"  "  propitious,"  "  pleasant."  The  radical  zeser 
signifies  "  lofty,"  and  also  "  superb,"  "  precious,"  "  well 
planned,"  "  well  done."  Finally,  the  word  nefer  means 
**  beautiful,"  but  at  the  same  time  "  good  "  and  "  agreeable." 
The  Egyptian  language  does  not  appear  to  have  drawn  the 
sharp  distinctions  which  are  necessary  for  the  creation  of  a 
terminology  suitable  for  conveying  clear  and  defined  aesthetic 
ideas. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1 .  See  for  example  the  names  of  many  of  the  doors  in  the  temple  of  Amon 
at  Kamak,  in  Mariette,  A.,  Karnak,  Leipzig,  1875,  pi.  38  and  p.  58. 

2.  SteindorfF,  G,,  Haus  und  Tempt  1,  in  the  Zeitsckrift  fiir  dgyptische  Sprache, 
t.  xxiiv.,  1896,  pp.  1 07-1 1,  with  2  figs. 

3.  Maspero,  G.,  Premier  Rapport  a  PInstitut  d''Egypte  sur  les  fouilles  exe- 
cuties  en  Egypie  de  1881  a  1885,  in  the  Etudes  de  mythologie  et  d'archeeologie 
egyptiennes,  t.  i.,  Paris,  1893,  p.  151  ;  ibid.,  Les  Inscriptions  des  Pyramides  de 
Saqqarah,  Paris,  1894,  p.  2. 

4.  Maspero,  G.,  Causeries  d'Egypte,  Paris,  1907,  pp.  229  sqq. 

5.  Nothing  is  more  characteristic  than  the  scenes  curtailed  by  want  of  space 
with  an  explanatory  text  betraying  the  actual  process  of  shortening.  See 
Erman,  A.,  Reden,  Rufe  und  Lieder  auf  Grdberbildern  des  a/ten  Reiches,  Berlin, 
1919,  p.  31,  No.  2,  and  p.  32,  No.  7. 

6.  Erman,  A.,  Ein  Denkmal  memphitischer  Tkeologie,  in  the  Sitzungs- 
berichte  der  Koniglich  preussischen  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  Berlin,  t.  iliii., 
1911,  p.  942. 

7.  Erman,  A.,  Die  dgyptische  Religion,  2nd  edition,  Berlin,  1909, 
pp.  172-3  ;  Grapow,  H.,  Bedrahungen  der  Gotten  durck  den  verstorbenen, 
in  the  Zeitschrift,  t.  49,  191 1,  pp.  48-54;  see,  too,  Pleyte,  W.,  Etude  sur  un 
rouleau  magique  du  Musie  de  Leide,  Leiden,  1866,  pp.  176  sqq. 

8.  Brestead,  J.  H.,  Ancient  Records  of  Egypt,  Chicago,  1906,  t.  iii.,  §  502, 
p.  214. 

9.  Sethe,  K.,  Zur  Geschichte  und  Erklarung  der  Rosettana,  in  the  Nach- 
richten  von  der  K.  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften  zu  Gottingen  :  Philologisch- 
historische  Kiasse,  19 16,  pp.  275-314. 

10.  Pictures  of  such  statues  are  given  in  Caulfield,  A.  St.  G.,  The  Temple 
of  the  Kings  at  Abydos,  London,  1902,  pis.  4,  5,  and  15. 

11.  Daressy,  G.,  Deux  grandes  Statues  de  Ramses  II,  in  the  Annales  du 
Service  des  Antiquit/s,  t.  ivii,,,  1917,  p.  35;  Maspero,  G.,  Trois  Statues 
colossales,  in  the  Musie  Egyptien,  t.  ii.,  Cairo,  1907,  pp.  38-9. 


ARTISTIC   IDEAS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS     175 

12.  Capart,  J.,  Les  Monuments  dits  Hycsos,  Brussels,  1914.  See  another 
example  in  Daressy,  G.,  VArt  Tanite,  in  the  Annales  du  Service,  t.  xrii., 
1917,    p.    170. 

13.  Legrain,  G.,  Statues  et  statuettes  des  rots  et  de particuliers,  t.  iii.,  Cairo 
1914,  pis.    13-17- 

14.  Rouge,  E.  de,  Etude  des  Monuments  du  massif  de  Karnak,  in  the  Melanges 
d'archceologie  ^gyptienne  et  assyrienne,  t.  i.,  1 872,  p.  1 3 1  ;  Maspero,  G.,  Histoire 
ancienne  des  peuples  de  POrient  classique,  t.  i.,  Paris,  1895,  p.  233,  No.  i.  See 
Lepsius,  Denkmdler,  Part  III,  pis.  163  and  213^. 

15.  Maspero,  G.,  Le  Double  et  les  statues  prophitiques,  in  the  Etudes  de 
mythologie  et  d'archiologie  ^gyptiennes,  t.  i.,  Paris,  1893,  pp.  77-91. 

16.  Maspero,  G.,  Le  Rituel  du    Sacrifice  funeraire,  ibid.,  pp.    283-324. 

17.  Klebs,  L.,  Die  Reliefs  des  alten  Reiches,  Heidelberg,  191 5,  pp.  81-82  ; 
Steindorff,  G.,  Das  Grab  des  Ti,  Leipzig,  1913,  pis.  133,  134. 

18.  Maspero,  G.,  De  quelques  documents  relatifs  aux  statues  des  marts, 
in  the  Etudes  de  mythologie,  etc.,  t.  i.,  Paris,  1893,  pp.  53-75. 

19.  Newberry,  P.  E.,  Tke  Amherst  Papyri,  London,  1899,  Papyrus,  No.  V., 
pp.  19—22. 

20.  Maspero,  G.,  Popular  Stories  of  Ancient  Egypt,  London,  191 5,  pp.  25, 
126,  159. 

21.  Borchardt,  L.,  Ausgrabungen  in  Tell-el-Amarna,  1912-13,  in  the 
Mitteilungen  der  deutschen  Orient-Gesellschaft,  No.  52,  October  1913  ;  Fiihrer 
durch  die  Austellung  von  Funden  aus  der  Ausgrabung  1 9 1 2-1 3,  in  Tell-el-Amarna 
Berlin,  191 3  ;  Excavations  at  Tell-el-Amarna,  in  the  Smithsonian  Report  for 
191 5,  pp.  445-57  (reprinted,  Washington,  1921).  See  the  splendid  plates 
in  Fechheimer,  H.,  Die  Plastik  der  Aegypter,  Berlin,  1921. 

22.  Jequier,  G.,  Decoration  e'gyptienne  :  Plafonds  etf rises  vigi tales  du  nouvel 
empire  th^bain,  Paris,  1 9 1 1 . 

23.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Monuments  Egyptiens,  Paris,  1847,  pi.  48, 

24.  Capart,  J.,  V Art  et  la  parure  fiminine  dans  F ancienne  Egypte,  in  the 
Annales  de  la  Sociiti d^archiologie  de  Bruxelles,  t.  xxi.,  1907,  pp.  305-34. 

25.  Fimmen,  D.,  Zeit  und  Dauer  der  kretisch-mykenischen  Kultur,  Leipzig, 
1909. 

26.  Kees,  H.,  Studien  zur  dgyptischen  Provinzialkunst,  Leipzig,  192 1  ; 
the  new  scene  described,  pp.  6,  7,  is  known  by  a  tomb  in  the  Memphite  necro- 
polis;    Daressy,  G.,  Le  Mastaba  de  Mera,  Cairo,  1898,  p.  546. 

27.  See  as  an  example  the  stele  of  Aahmes  in  Ayrton,  E.  R.,  and  others, 
Abydos  III,  London,  1904,  pi.  52. 

28.  Lefebure,  E.,  Rites  Egyptiens.  Construction  et  protection  des  edifices, 
Paris,  1 890  ;  Baillet,  J.,  La  Regime  pharaonique  dans  les  rapports  avec  V Evolution 
de  la  morale  en  Egypt,  Paris,  19 13,  t.  i.,  pp.  59-65. 

29.  Breasted,  J.  H.,  Ancient  Records,  t.  i.,  Chicago,  1906,  §§  242  sqq. 

30.  Ibid.,  §§210  sqq. 

31.  Ibid.,  §§237  sqq. 

32.  Ibid. 

33.  Birch,  S.,  M^moire  sur  une  patere  igyptienne  du  Muse'e  du  Louvre  (trans- 
lated by  Chabas),  in  Chabas,  F.,  (Euvres  diverses,  t.  i.,  Paris,  1899,  pp.  225-74  ; 
Vernier,  E.,  La  Bijouterie  et  la  joaillerie  /gyptiennes,  Cairo,  1907,  pi.  20. 


176  EGYPTIAN   ART 

34.  Breasted,  J.  H.,  Ancient  Records,  t.  i.,  Chicago,  1906,  §§753  sqq. 

35.  Ahmed  bey  Kamal,  Stile  de  Pan  Fill  de  Ramsh  II,  in  the  Recueil 
de  Travaux,  t.  xii.,  1908,  pp.  213-18.  [I  have  paraphrased  the  inscription 
on  this  stele  for  the  English  edition,  as  the  sequence  of  ideas  and  the  peculiar 
method  of  phraseology  in  a  literal  translation  of  the  Egyptian  text  cannot  be 
happily  expressed  in   modem   English. — Translator.] 

36.  See  also  Breasted,  J.  H.,  Ancient  Records,  t.  ii.,  Chicago,  1906,  §§351 
sqq.  and  372  sqq. 

37.  Legrain  G.,  Statues  et  statuettes  de  rois  et  de  particuliers,  t.  1.,  Cairo, 
1906,  pi.  75  and  p.  78. 

38.  Bissing,  F.  W.,  Denkmaler  zur  Geschichte  der  Kunst  Amenophis  IV, 
Munich,  1914,  pi.  i. 

39.  Davies,  N.  de  G.,  The  Rock  Tombs  of  EI-Amarna,  Part  III,  London, 
1905,  pi.  18  ;  see  Legrain,  G,  Trois  Monuments  de  la  fin  de  la  XFIII'  dynastie^ 
in  the  Musie  Egyptien,  t.  ii.,  Cairo,  1907,  pp.  i  sqq. 

40.  Erman,  A.,  Bilder  der  Jahres%eiten,  in  the  Zeitschrift,  t.  38,  1900, 
pp.  107-8  ;  Ein  Maier  des  neuen  Retches,  ibid.,  t.  42,  1905,  pp.  128-31  ; 
Maspero,  G.,  Notes  de  Voyage,  §XXI,  in  the  Annales  du  Service,  t.  xi.,  1911, 
pp.  158-9;  Roder,  G.,  Namensuntersckriften  von  Kunstlern  unter  Tempel' 
reliefs  in  Abu  Simbel,  in  the  Zeitsckrift,  t.  50,  191 2,  pp.  76-8  ;  Spiegelberg,  W. 
Der  Maler  Heje,  ibid.,  t.  54,  191 8,  pp.  'J'J-<^\  Ein  Kunstlerinschrift  des 
neuen  Reiches,  in  the  Recueil  de  Travaux,  t.  24,  1902,  pp.  185—7  ;  Steindorff, 
G.,  Das  Lied  aus  Grab,  in  the  Zeitschrift,  t.  32,  1894,  p.  126. 

41.  Erman,  A.,  Ein  Kunstler  des  alten  Reiches,  in  the  Zeitschrift,  t.  31, 
1893,  pp.   97-8   and   pi.  2,  with   remarks    by  K.    Sethe,  ibid.,  pp.  99-100. 

42.  Quibell,  J.  E.,  Making  of  Stone  Vases,  in  the  Musie  Egyptien,  t.  iii., 
Cairo,  1909,  pi.  22  and  pp.  25-7. 

43.  In  Stolk,  M.,  Ptah.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Religionsgeschichte  des  alten 
Aegyptens,  Berlin,  191 1,  p.  13. 

44.  Capart,  J.,  JJne  Rue  de  Tombeaux  a  Saqqarah,  Brussels,  1907,  pi.  22. 

45.  Capart,  J.,  IJn  Roman  vicu  il y  a  XXV  siecles,  Brussels,  19 14,  pp.  16— 
17  ;  Griffith,  F.  LI.,  Catalogue  of  Demotic  Papyri  in  the  John  Rylands  Library 
Manchester,  1909,  t.  iii.,  p.  81. 

46.  See  contra  Sethe,  K.,  Die  angeblichen  Schmiede  des  Horus  von  Edfu, 
in  the  Zeitschrift,  t.  54,  191 8,  pp.  50-4. 


INDEX 


Abydos  :  Temple  of  Seti  I — 

Abnormal  pillars  in,  112 

Shrine-decoration  in,  86 

Shrine  in,  75 

Shrine  of  Ptah  in,  76 
^Esthetics,  160,  172 
Amru,  description  of  Egypt  by,  18 
Arches  {see  also  Vaulting) — 

Various  kinds  in  brick,  91 
Art,  Egyptian — 

Anonymous,  171 

Commemorative  use  of,  163 

Religious  and  magical  use  of,  162 

Royal  patronage  of,  1 70 

Teaching,  172 

Beni-Hasan,  tombs  of,  36 
Borchardt,  L. — 

On  origin  of  columns,  131 
Bricks — 

Method  of  laying,  90 

Plastering  of,  92 

Vaulting  in,  91 
Building  materials — 

Bricks,  90 

Combination  of  different,  96 

Metal,  95 

Mud,  89 

Stone,  93 

Various,  95 

Wood,  92 
Burials — 

Archaic,  at  Diospolis,  45 

Early  Nubian,  48 

Canopies — 

Berlin  Museum,  76 

Tell-el-Amarna,  77 
Ceilings,  107 
Choisy,  A. — 

On  buildmg  appliances,  100 


Chronology,  Egyptian,  40 

Table  of  various  systems,  42 
Columns — 

As  cult  objects,  132 

Derived  from  sceptres,  133 

Fasciculated,  121 

Floral  capitals,  124 

Hathor-headed,  127 

Inverted  bells,  127 

Isolated,  135 

Lily,  126 

Lotus,  117 

Multiple  capitals,  127 

Origin  of,  131 

Palm,  126 

Papyrus,  izo 

Varieties  of,  at  Philas,  125 
Crane,  use  of,  100 
Cupola — 

In  tomb  at  Abydos,  92 

In  tomb  at  Thebes,  92 


Dad-column,  133 

Dad-emblem,  85 

Deir-el-Bahari — 

Xlth  Dynasty  Temple — 
Shrines  in,  85 

Deir-el-Bahari,  Great  Temple- 
Classic  effect,  37 
Hathor  shrine  in,  77 
Ogee  in,  92 

Polygonal  pillars  in,  112 
Transport  of  obelisks,  98 

Destruction  of  monuments — 
Causes  of,  33,  138 

Doorways,  106 

Drawing,  conventions  of,  145 

Dressing  of  stonework,  97 

Dynasties,  Egyptian — 
Table  of,  28 


12 


T7T 


178 


EGYPTIAN   ART 


Enamel,  early,  60 

Derived  from  copper,  60 
Excavation — 

Ancient  methods  of,  96 

Falcon — 

Drawing  of,  34 
Fashion  in  Art,  169 
Figures — 

Archaic,  5 

British  Museum,  ivory,  50 

Brussels  Museum,  50 

Early  faience,  60 

Grouping  of,  151 

Oxford  Ivory,  59 
Flint  implements,  50 
Flowers,  Egyptian  love  of,  168 
Foundations,  97 
Furniture — 

Chair  legs  from  Naqada,  60 

Chair  legs  from  Abydos,  60 

Gaming  pieces,  59 

Gargoyles — 

Ancient  use  of,  108 

Griffith,  F.  LI.— 

On  architectural  hieroglyphs,  74 
On  arrangement  of  dynasties,  3 1 
On  origin  of  hieroglyphic  writing, 
61 

Ground-level,  changes  in,  106 

Hathor  emblems,  134 
Hathor  heads,  113 
Hemispeos,  definition  of,  96 
Hesi — 

Gaming-pieces  in  tomb  of,  59 

Panels  of,  34 
Hieroglyphic  writing — 

Origin  of,  61 
Hierakonpolis — 

Monuments  of  Khasekhemui,  58 

Royal  tomb  at,  52 

Wall-decoration  at,  52 
Hieroglyphs — 

Architectural,  74 

Importance  of,  in  Art,  70 
House,  Theban  painting  of,  137 
Human  form — 

Conventional  drawing  of,  149 
Proportions  of,  155 
Sometimes  quite  accurate,  150 


Imitative  monuments,  64 
Inundation,  21 
Ivory  knife-handles — 

Cairo  Museum,  53 

Louvre,  65 

Jewellery — 
Dashur,  36 
Illahun,  36 

Karnak — 

Size  of  hypostyle  hall,  37 
Kauit,  sarcophagus  of,  85 
Khasekhemui,  King — 

Monuments  of,  58 
Khephren,  mask  of,  at  Leipzig,  35 

Temple  of,  34,  98,  109 

Landscape  drawing,  154 
I-egrain,  G. — 

Repairs  to  Karnak  temple,  99 
Lighting — 

Appliances  for,  108 
Lotus — 

Different  kinds  of,  117 

Manetho,  27 
Maspero,  G. — 

Arrangement  of  dynasties  by,  30 

Description  of  Egypt  by,  19 

On  Memphite  Art,  66 
Mastabas,  35 
Matwork — 

Architectural  imitation  of,  82 
Meroitic  pottery,  49 
Metal-work,  rarity  of,  138 
Meyer,  E. — 

On  pre-dynastic  kings,  62 
Models — 

Papyrus  containing,  157 

Sculptors',  157 

Naqada — 

Royal  Tomb — 

Construction  of,  57 
Pilasters  and  niches  in,  67 
Narmer,  palette  of,  33 

Details  of,  57 
Nile  gods,  68 

Obelisks,  132 

Palermo  stone,  27 


INDEX 


179 


Palettes — 

British  Museum,  64 

Cairo  Museum,  65 

Designs  on,  64 

Louvre,  64 

Narmer,  33,  57 

Slate,  53 
Papyrus,  Anastasi  No.  i — 

Technical  problems  in,  99 
Papyrus  columns,  120 
Papyrus  plant — 

Different  kinds  of,  120 
Pepi  I,  metal  statue  of,  35 
Perspective,  152 
Petrie,  W.  M.  F.— 

Chronology  of,  42 

Dating  by  sequence  dates,  46 

Discoveries  at  Diospolis,  45 

Matwork  from  Tarkan,  7 1 
Pharaonic  monuments — 

Earliest,  56 
Pillars- 
General  form  of,  104 

Hathor-masks  on,  113 

Osirian,  114 

Polygonal,  iii 

Proto-doric,  112 

Square,  109 
Plan-drawing,  145 
Plans,  Egyptian — 

Of  royal  tombs,  145 

At  Tell-el-Amarna,  146 
Pottery — 

"  Boat  "  decoration  of,  51 

Dating  of  early,  46 

Early  Pharaonic,  56 

Meroitic,  49 

Nubian,  48 
Preservation  of  monuments — 

Causes  of,  32 
Proportion  squares,  156 
Pylons,  105 

Registers,  use  of,  154 
Renouf,  P.  Le  Page — 

On  relation  of  words  for  "  stele  "  and 
"  seat,"  82 

Sarcophagi — 

Stele  designs  on,  79 
Sequence  dates,  47 
Serpent  King,  stele  of,  34 

Architectural  designs  on,  75 

Description  of,  58 


Sethe,  K.— 

On  origin  of  hieroglyphic  writing, 
61 
Shadouf,  23 
Speos,  definition  of,  96 
Statues — 

Animated  by  gods  or  spirits,  164 

Animated  by  kings,  164 

Consecration  of,  165 

Erected  in  temples,  165 

Funerary,  166 

Groups,  141 

Poses  of,  139 

Ptolemaic  decrees  on,  165 

Technical  details,  140 
Steindorff,  G.— 

Arrangement  of  dynasties,  by,  3  r 

On  origin  of  hieroglyphic  writing, 
61 
Stelae — 

Egyptian  word  for,  83 

Simple  and  ornamented,  78 

Simple,  derived  from  shrine,  83 

Reduplication  of,  80 
Stone — 

Ancient  records  of  quarrying,  94 

Sources  of  various  kinds,  93 

Tarkan — 

1st  dynasty,  matwork  from,  71 
Technical  processes,  98 
Tiles — 

Glazed,  for  walls,  92 
Tuthmosis  IV — 

Designs  on  chariot  of,  1 52 

Vases — 

Early  stone,  50 
Vaulting — 

Brick,  91 

Extensive  use  of,  91 

Oldest   in    stone    at  Medinet-Habu, 
92 

In  temple  of  Es-Sebua,  92 

In  tomb  of  Ramesses  IV,  92 

Weight  of  stone  monuments,  98 

Windows,  108 

Wood- 
Foreign  origin  of,  93 
Imitated  in  stone,  93 
Use  of,  in  building,  92 
Use  for  inlay  work,  93 


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